Thanks for inviting me. It's an honour to be here.
Given the relatively brief time I have, I'd like to highlight five points that I think are particularly salient to the estimation of the health risks and dangers of cannabis. My first point provides a broad context for the discussion to follow. I am a clinical psychologist and an addictions researcher with considerable experience conducting research with, and providing treatment to, individuals who struggle with problematic substance use and mental health more broadly.
In light of my expertise in this area, I'd like to focus primarily on the harms and risks of cannabis use as they pertain to psychological and behavioural functioning and well-being. I'm also choosing to focus on psychological and behavioural effects, rather than physical health per se, due to the absence of evidence for meaningful physical health risks and harms associated with cannabis use.
A 1988 ruling by U.S. DEA Chief Administrative Law Judge Francis Young described cannabis as “one of the safest therapeutically active substances known to man”. Considerable subsequent research that has examined the health consequence of cannabis use has not provided evidence to the contrary. Judge Young's statement is, in my opinion, as true today as it was a little more than 25 years ago. In the absence of risks and harms related to physical health, I believe the estimation of risks and harms should focus on psychological health and public health.
To this end, I would like to speak to the state of the science regarding the associations between cannabis use and the negative health outcomes of violence, cognitive functioning, anxiety, and psychosis. Because of the limited time, I'm just going to provide an overview of each of these points, focusing on a few key studies that I've provided to the clerk.
Violence is a major public health concern and a leading cause of injury. A robust literature attests to violence being an important negative consequence of substance use in general, particularly alcohol use. As such, it makes sense to investigate the extent to which cannabis use might also be associated with interpersonal violence. Indeed, the prohibition of cannabis in the early 1900s was fueled in part by the putative role of cannabis in eliciting aggression, and the association between cannabis use and violence has garnered substantial research attention. However, in contrast to the robust literature relating alcohol use to violence, the evidence of an association between cannabis use and violence is not at all clear. The results of extant studies are inconsistent, and many have failed to consider the potential confounding effects of other variables, such as general antisociality and the concurrent use of other substances, most notably alcohol.
Indeed, one of the most prominent theories explaining the association between cannabis use and violence, the general deviance theory, proposes that the apparent association between cannabis use and violence, when it is apparent, can be attributed to general predisposition to rule-breaking and antisociality rather than reflecting any direct effects of cannabis use per se. This proposition is consistent with the findings of laboratory studies of animals that find no association between cannabis intoxication and aggression.
Human studies produce divergent results. Although some studies have found associations between cannabis use and increased risk for violence, many have failed to control for key variables. A recent study that examined temporal association between cannabis use and domestic violence—that is, which came first, the substance use or the violence—found that cannabis use was associated with a reduced risk for violence. Another recent study of male domestic violence perpetrators reported no association between cannabis use and domestic violence after accounting for alcohol use. This later finding is consistent with recent work from our lab, which found that the association between cannabis use and the perpetration of domestic violence was accounted for by alcohol use and antisocial personality features. In sum, there's not strong or consistent support for the proposition that increased violent behaviour should be included among the risks and harms of cannabis use; it should not be.
Interestingly, a very recent U.S. study that examined the effects of medical cannabis legalization on violent crime found that legalizing medical cannabis was associated with decreased rates of violence in the states that did so. Such findings are plausible to the extent that cannabis may serve as a substitute for such other consciousness-altering substances as alcohol or amphetamine, for which more robust associations with violence have been established. However, more research is required to estimate the potential of cannabis to reduce interpersonal violence.
As is the case with research that has examined the association between cannabis and violence, studies that have examined the association between cannabis use and mental functioning have not led to a scientific consensus on the consequences of cannabis use for cognitive performance. While it is clear that for many users acute cannabis intoxication interferes with cognitive processes, such as memory and attention in the hours directly following cannabis ingestion, the longer-term consequences and the stability of any detrimental effects are not clear and appear to depend on a number of other factors.
Specifically, even the acute effects of cannabis intoxication appear to vary considerably from individual to individual, with more profound cognitive effects being experienced by infrequent cannabis users, whereas regular cannabis users appear to develop tolerance to the cognitive interference and associated performance deficits that may accompany cannabis intoxication.
Of greater concern than acute effects of cannabis are the longer-term or residual effects and the reversibility of any cannabis-related cognitive differences following cessation of cannabis use.
A study conducted at Harvard Medical School compared three groups: frequent cannabis users, who had used more than 5,000 times across their lifetime and were still using cannabis regularly; frequent users who had cut down or quit their cannabis use; and non-users. The study found that after a 28-day abstinence period, the three groups did not differ on tests of cognitive functioning.
Similarly, a comprehensive meta-analysis—that's an analysis of several studies wrapped into one—on the non-acute effects of cannabis found a small but discernible residual effect of cannabis use in only two of eight cognitive domains and concluded that, based on the extant data, they “failed to reveal a substantial, systematic effect of long-term, regular cannabis consumption on the neurocognitive functioning of users”. Notably, a recent study of Canadian youth reported better academic performance among those who used both cannabis and tobacco compared with those who used tobacco alone.
In sum, the extant data indicates that whereas acute cannabis intoxication may interfere with response speed, memory, and attention, the evidence does not indicate that substantial, irreversible detrimental effects on mental functioning or on performance of cognitively demanding tasks should be included among the risks and harms of cannabis use. They should not be.
The relationship between cannabis use and psychosis has been the subject of considerable research attention, and several studies have confirmed the existence of an association between cannabis use and psychotic disorders, the most concerning of which is the serious and debilitating condition of schizophrenia. However, the extent to which cannabis use plays a causal role in the development of schizophrenia remains unclear, as does the extent to which cannabis use influences psychoses among those who might not otherwise develop a psychotic disorder. There is, however, evidence that cannabis use may lead to earlier age of onset of schizophrenia among some vulnerable individuals and may also lead to some worse outcomes among those with a history of psychotic disorders.
A compelling argument used to refute the causal association between cannabis use and psychosis is the observation that the substantial rise in the prevalence of cannabis use over the past several decades has not been accompanied by a rise in the incidence of psychotic disorders. However, this important observation does not preclude the possibility that cannabis use might have more subtle effects on the exacerbation of existing psychosis or on lowering the age of onset of full-blown psychotic disorders. In general, as is the case with much of the research on cannabis and mental health outcomes, further research is required to establish causation and to rule out such potentially confounding factors as personality, pre-existing mental health vulnerabilities, and concurrent use of other substances.
Indeed, there is growing evidence that the constituents of cannabis may have opposing effects on the development of psychosis, with THC, one of the active ingredients in cannabis, leading to the development or exacerbation of psychosis, whereas CBD, one of the other main constituents, having anti-psychotic effects. This suggests that individuals at risk of psychosis may use cannabis to relieve symptoms; this may in turn lead to the over-estimation of the causal influence of cannabis use.
These divergent effects of the distinct constituents of cannabis further suggest that the risks associated with cannabis use might vary according to the type of cannabis used, i.e., be related to the relative ratio of THC and CBD.
In summary, although further research is needed and the effects are dependent on a diverse array of other risk factors related to genetics, environmental context, and cannabis varietals, the evidence suggests that cannabis use may confer risk for earlier onset and worse outcomes among the small proportion of the population who may be predisposed to psychosis.
Finally, the association between cannabis and anxiety has been noted in the medical literature for well over a century. Nonetheless, the empirical literature remains equivocal with reports of both anxiety-relieving and anxiety-causing consequences of cannabis use.
Some studies reported a higher prevalence of anxiety disorders among heavier cannabis users and the risk of later development of anxiety disorders among cannabis users. In addition, panic-like responses are among the most common unwelcome side effect of cannabis intoxication, particularly among naive users. In contrast, other studies report decreased depression and anxiety amongst cannabis users, and the relief of anxiety is among the primary reported motives for cannabis use. Cannabis has also been noted for its effectiveness in relieving anxiety that is secondary to other medical conditions, such as chronic pain, HIV/AIDS, and multiple sclerosis.
Results from our lab provide further evidence of the anxiety-relieving rather than anxiety-causing effects of cannabis. Relief of anxiety was among the most commonly reported reasons for using cannabis among Canadian medical cannabis users, and our research with students indicates that frequent cannabis users were less anxious and less sensitive to psychological symptoms of anxiety than were infrequent users and abstainers.
Consistent with the potential anxiety reducing properties of cannabis is the inclusion of post-traumatic stress disorder, PTSD, among the conditions for which medical cannabis is recommended or allowed in several U.S. states. Researchers in the U.S. are now preparing to conduct clinical trials of cannabis for PTSD to help relieve the suffering of war veterans, PTSD being one of the most serious and debilitating of the anxiety disorders.
In summary, research on the association between cannabis use and anxiety is equivocal and extant research does not indicate that the problematic exacerbation of anxiety should be included among the risks of cannabis use. Indeed, further research may establish cannabis or its constituents as treatments for some types of problematic anxiety.
Thank you very much.