There are two things, in terms of balance. Obviously, the use of replacement workers affects the strike. I've been in a strike situation along the way, and it's ugly. It's difficult from all sides; emotions are raw. Obviously, once you're in a strike, both sides do whatever they can to win. Both try to respect the law, yet we all know that sometimes the boundaries are tested rather severely in strike situations. I don't think the fault lies on either side of the labour relations equation. There are examples on both sides that could be pointed to.
I would point to the effect of this legislation—not its effect when it's actually used, but the effect it will have on the bargaining process, which I think is more significant. There are two sides to that as well. On the one hand, there may be situations in which it is preventative, and it may prevent or shorten a lockout. On the other hand, I can also anticipate situations in which it will lead to more stoppages. We could both lay out scenarios, and obviously none of us has a crystal ball to lay out the future exactly.
I was involved in one dispute where the essential problem was within the union, along the way. It was a 51-49 sort of division within the union, and at the end of the day there was nothing it could ratify. It ended up going to a labour stoppage.
Those were internal issues that had to be sorted out, and it took the discipline of not having some paycheques to cause some degree of consensus to come within the bargaining units. I guess that's the bottom line.
Labour law needs to be broad and comprehensive and to address all sorts of given situations. We can pull data on either side of the equation, but every circumstance is unique. I suspect that the introduction of this will actually change the balance leading up, and in ways that I'm not sure anyone can totally and accurately predict, which is why you have all the competing numbers in front of you that you need to parse through.