Good afternoon.
I'm especially glad to have this opportunity to discuss an issue of growing importance.
Employment Insurance has been found wanting. Many Canadians have experienced that for decades, and now is well beyond the time to do something about it.
The government can proceed immediately with a series of important changes that are well within its administrative capacity, but it also must proceed with an eye to more fundamental changes in the near term that may require more consultation.
I'll outline six proposals, three are immediate and another three are near-term possibilities for you to consider.
Let me tell you something that I don't think Canadians need more of. They don't need more platitudes about getting a better education, or about getting more training. The EI program already transfers about $3 billion to the provinces for programs of this sort. Some are effective and some less so, but the government doesn't need to spend more money on training through EI and putting more responsibility on individuals to adjust to the storms of the turbulent labour market.
My point is that Canadians need better and more complete income insurance. My suggestions are directed to this need.
I have three policies for the short term that I believe the government can immediately implement in the next budget.
The first considers qualifying for benefits with the last ROE. I suggest this committee and the government consider the reason for separation from only the last record of employment in a series used to support a claim. The administration of the program should ignore the reasons in previous ROEs and allow qualification if shortage of work was the reason for separation in the most recent ROE.
Currently many workers in a precarious situation trying to piece together jobs and incomes find themselves falling into an administrative rabbit hole because past ROEs have been incorrectly completed by employers or separations are worker initiated. Focusing on the reason for separation in the last ROE will simplify a needlessly complicated process.
The second suggestion to you is to offer a close-to-uniform entrance requirement. There are 62 EI regions with a number of hours of work required to qualify for benefits determined by region-specific unemployment rates, unemployment rates that fall into nine bands ranging from less than 6% to over 13%. This is why the black hole exists in some regions.
We tie narrowly defined regional unemployment rates so finely to EI eligibility because we treat the program as a regionally based program of income support, with some work conditions attached. This amounts to a type of basic income for many people living in regions east of the Ottawa River. Laudable as this goal is, it has distorted the insurance function of employment insurance, it has excluded many Canadians from coverage and it has slowed the response to big labour market shocks.
It means a 0.1% change in the unemployment rate can change eligibility for the program. This level of precision amounts to letting statistical fog influence eligibility. It also means that to reduce the statistical fog, Statistics Canada relies on an average of regional unemployment rates in the past three months. This further corrupts the ability of the program to respond quickly to sudden changes in the job market. Eligibility rules are hard-wired to be backward looking.
There have been long-standing calls for a uniform entrance requirement, and currently that's the situation we're in. A reasonable alternative is to reduce the current nine bands to just three, say less than 6%, 6% to 10%, and greater than 10%.
The third immediate policy change that the government can introduce is to increase the benefit rate and the maximum insurable earnings. The benefit rate is currently 55%, meaning that an EI claimant receives 55¢ for every dollar of insurable earnings. Historically, this was 66 2/3%, and was as high as 80% for certain categories of claimants. Successive reforms cut the benefit rate, and these cuts were often done in the name of deficit fighting and work incentives. These past priorities don't serve our present and future well. It is both feasible and timely to raise the benefit rate and offer workers better insurance by covering more of their past earnings.
Let me jump to three other policies that refer to things the government can do in the near term that will probably require more consultation.
The first is to enhance coverage and step toward a basic income by integrating the Canada workers benefit with the EI program.
The fact that only 40% of the unemployed qualify for employment insurance in the best of times and the perception that the future of work will involve more contingency and more precarity in work arrangements has led many to question the eligibility rules of EI and its limited capacity to cover the self-employed. It has also led them to call for a basic income of some sort.
Not all of the self-employed should be covered by EI and dividend income surely should not. Further, the gig economy is not, nor will it be, a terrible reality for many, but both self-employment and employment as an independent worker will increasingly become a last ditch or supplemental means of support for many workers in precarious situations.
There is certainly a role for changes in regulatory policies and clarifications of the class of workers, but income support and income insurance policies can respond by focusing more on insuring incomes, rather than jobs or particular classes of jobs.
The Canada workers benefit remains a relatively modest program. Individuals living on their own must have at least $3,000 in earned income to qualify for maximum benefit of about $1,400. The jobs used to earn this income, including self-employment, do not necessarily lead to qualifying hours under EI. I suggest that any income used to support the receipt of the Canada workers benefit be converted to EI-eligible hours without regard to the nature of the job used to obtain that income. This will bring the self-employed who we might legitimately worry about into EI coverage, as well as others in contingent work.
If this committee were to consider recommending a considerable enhancement in the generosity of the Canada workers benefit with, say, an unconditional payment of $12,000 to $15,000—equivalent to the deep income poverty line—and a maximum benefit that lifts workers to the official poverty line, then it would have taken two considerable steps forward.
It will offer a way of significantly increasing the coverage of employment insurance for workers who need the insurance. It will also take a significant step toward establishing a basic income for single workers and those without children who need the support, much in the way that the Canada child benefit and the OAS-GIS offer a basic income to families with children and older Canadians.