Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to thank the committee for having me join you today for this important testimony. I'd also like to thank MP Rick Dykstra for his kindness and hospitality and Julie Lalande Prud'homme for organizing this for us.
I recently participated in a Center for a Secure Free Society forum called “The Future of North America”. We had it right there on Parliament Hill a few weeks ago. In fact, it was in that very room. We had Jim Gilmore from Virginia, a former governor; Roger Pardo-Maurer, one of my colleagues who is a former deputy assistant secretary of defense for the western hemisphere; Joseph Humire, the executive director of the Center for a Secure Free Society; John Carpay, from the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms; and Candice Malcolm, who organized it for us there.
It's good to be back just three weeks later to formally testify on the same topics we talked about there, which had to do with border security, immigration, economics, security, and the balance between liberty and security.
The U.S., Canada, and Mexico are inextricably linked. Whatever happens in one happens in another. The U.S.-Canada border alone is five and a half thousand miles long, and seven thousand if we count Alaska. With trade amounting to $1.5 billion a day and roughly $500 billion a year, our bilateral trade remains one of the key factors in our shared prosperity.
That said, we also have shared threats in the form of transnational criminal organizations, non-state actors like al Qaeda and the homegrown terrorists it inspires, and state-sponsored terrorism like Iran and its proxy, Hezbollah.
The U.S. and Canada remain engaged in valiant efforts to stabilize Afghanistan, fighting off the Taliban efforts to reconquer the government and turn the country into a terrorist safe haven. Radical Islam remains one of our chief shared threats, as correctly noted by Prime Minister Stephen Harper.
We have been at war since 9/11, and it was not a war of our choosing. As long as we remain at war, the U.S. and Canada will remain targets of extremists. Plots are foiled continuously, and our law enforcement authorities must be right one hundred per cent of the time, given the severe consequences of mass terrorist attacks. Failure is not an option.
Also, we have to combat fraud, tax avoidance, human trafficking, and a shadow economy that immigration policy can help fix. The immigration policy remains a key component of strong security and fraud avoidance for both countries. Borders are important, and security at the borders is vital for us as well. It is the most obvious to the public. But so is the procedure for granting visas worldwide, monitoring who comes in, why they come in, how long they're here, and whether they leave.
The U.S. and Canada have made some mistakes in admitting terrorists and would-be terrorists into our countries. Algeria and Ahmed Ressam comes to light as a prime example. Here was a man who came to Montreal, Canada on a fake French passport in the early nineties. When it was discovered that it was a fake passport, he suddenly changed his story. He said that he was looking for political asylum, which was granted. Over the years he got involved in petty theft, crimes, and fraud. He eventually went to Afghanistan to join al Qaeda terrorist training camps at Khalden. Despite the fact that he went to terrorist training camps in Afghanistan, he was readmitted into Canada.
In 1999 he tried to cross the border. He did cross the border, actually, from Victoria, B.C. to Port Angeles, which is up in the Olympic Peninsula across from Seattle, Washington. He had a trunk full of explosives 40 times more powerful than a car bomb. His destination was Los Angeles airport. He planned to blow it up on the millennium, the “Millennium Bomber".
In the U.S. we've had problems, as well. Most of those 9/11 hijackers should never have been in the country to begin with. We even had a more recent problem. A young Bangladeshi man named Quazi Mohammad Nafis was in the United States on a student visa. He planned to blow up the Fed in New York. We've had problems both in the United States and in Canada about who we admit to our countries.
We also have problems at our border with Mexico, of course. It's a little bit of a different problem, but some of the same issues overlap. At the Mexico border, we've implemented a system called “strategic fencing” at the places where we absolutely have to have it because people come in droves. There's generally a three-tiered fencing system in certain parts along the U.S.-Mexico border.
We've also increased the use of sensors and cameras, recently including surveillance drones. That's been a successful program.
We've been able to dramatically reduce the number of people coming across the border illegally.
We hope this is never necessary on the northern border with Canada, particularly given our better cooperation, I'd say, with the Canadian government, and just the length of the border that we would have to do that for.
I have three recommendations.
Number one is to improve pre-screening overseas. We have to really determine who is coming to the United States and who is coming to Canada, because they affect both of us. When Canada admits people on a political asylum basis or, say, under a student visa, that has an impact on the United States, because they could easily cross the border. At the same time, we have $1.5 billion a day in trade between our two countries, so we don't want to impede the free flow of goods between our countries. We don't want to make the border security checkpoints any more cumbersome. Pre-screening is the top recommendation I'd have.
The second recommendation would be to increase intelligence sharing. The U.S. and Canada have already shared a military command in the form of NORAD to protect our continent from the nuclear menace of the Soviet Union in days gone by. We still have NORAD and we still have a very strong military partnership and military alliance. I think information sharing between our two countries is absolutely vital.
The third recommendation I would have is that Canada take a whole-of-government approach whereby Parliament would have different committees to deal with not only immigration but also defence issues and trade issues and that they all come together and think about what is best for the country and for our continent to keep us secure. I think that the electronic travel authorization is warranted. I think it makes sense. It will help secure our countries and will help defeat fraud and ensure that people in Canada pay their fair share of taxes.
The last thing I would mention is that when I was the Pentagon spokesman for the western hemisphere, I served under Secretary Rumsfeld and Secretary Gates for four years at the Pentagon.
One of the primary things I did was speak for the United States government regarding what was happening in Guantanamo. I've been there some 30 times, and I have brought seven or eight Canadian press there at least a dozen times. I got to know some of their thoughts about terrorism writ large in our hemisphere. One of the cases that really struck me as odd was the Omar Khadr case, in that Omar Khadr and his family, called the “first family of terrorism” by many in Canada, were able to get into Canada and stay there even though they fundamentally didn't show any respect for Canada whatsoever. Khadr's parents would stay in Canada to have children so they could enjoy the free health care and take advantage of the largesse and the kindness of the Canadian government and at the same time would go back to live in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan because, as Khadr's mother would say, she didn't want her kids growing up to be like Canadians. It was actually quite offensive. Most people there have probably already seen the interview on CBC in which they talked about that. We can get into that later, but I think Canada needs to take a hard look at who they admit and why they admit them. That way we'll be much safer as a continent.
Thank you very much.