Thank you very much.
I think the place to begin, really, is to establish some context and to describe my presentation and intervention about seeking to really transform the work, the relationship, based on a shared vision that first nations would set out alongside Canada.
We know, I think, especially in a committee like this, what our current reality is, and the sorts of trends we're facing with the first nations population being very young and growing rapidly, but not being very well educated overall, I would think, particularly in relation to the rest of Canada. First nations also face a shortage of paid work, with unemployment rates as high as 80% in many of our communities.
Also, the chronic health conditions that our people face are really not seen anywhere else in the country. Tuberculosis is at eight to ten times the rate of the rest of the Canadian population. Diabetes is at three times the rate of the rest of Canada.
Our people face deep fiscal and structural challenges that really reflect the antiquated Indian Act constraints. This covers the full policy spectrum, including social, housing, infrastructure, and our needs in the area of health.
We first nations have an increasing need and desire to create new structures, new authorities, and new ways of doing business independently and in partnership with other levels of government, with industry and, as I've just articulated, in fact, with countries around the world, based on the notion that treaties in their very essence are also international in scope, many having been forged before Canada was even formed.
Our current relationship is one that I think strikes us all and, in particular, is important in this conversation. It has been characterized by a long history of deep mistrust between first nations and government and a sense of interference with our rights and on our treaties. We have an outdated legislative framework that we've all inherited, which inhibits progress and growth. We have increased fiscal pressures on first nations governments, resulting from demographic challenges and discretionary approaches to funding, and this is paired with current federal strategic and operational reviews.
However, we can point out a number of important moments, the first of which, in the summer of 2008, was the Prime Minister's apology for Indian residential schools, signalling a new approach. We can look to Canada's 2010 endorsement of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, setting out key parameters requiring mutual respect and partnership, and further, we can now add approaches such as those set out in the joint action plan as holding much potential to begin a new approach based on collaboration and mutual priorities.
We have as well, as we all know, multiple studies and reports going back over a long period of time now, such as the 1981 Penner report, the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples report, and, most recently, the good work of our most recent and outgoing Auditor General in the spring of 2011, the report reflecting 10 years of recommendations, the report finding that conditions have not improved for first nations in the areas that were examined and, in many cases, are getting worse.
The Auditor General identified structural impediments that severely limit the delivery of public services to first nations and hinder improvements in living conditions, and specifically outlined a lack of clarity about service levels, a lack of a legislative base, a lack of appropriate funding mechanisms, and a lack of organizations to support local service delivery.
I think this outlines briefly the context we find ourselves in.
So first nations have a very ambitious agenda for change in the active pursuit of self-determination, and first nations governments are seeking true responsibility for the decisions that affect their lives. I want to outline an action plan on four key elements. First is the first nations-crown relationship; second is the implementation of first nations governments; third is fiscal relationships; and last is structural change.
Speaking to the first area, advancing the first nations-crown relationship means making progress through steps such as the proposed gathering for first nations and the crown, which we have been pursuing as an opportunity to truly reset the relationship and put it back on its original foundation. We are still working on the idea of that happening sometime this winter.
Second, we need new fiscal relationships to guarantee and deliver sustainable, equitable services that are based on—and this is really crucial—mutually agreed-to standards.
Third is the implementation of first nations governments: building our own institutions, doing our own planning, and working on accountability mechanisms that will truly deliver accountability, particularly to first nations citizens.
Last is structural change. What we're talking about here is machinery of government changes that affirm the relationship, uphold responsibility, and increase service standards, responsibility, and mutual accountability.
We're talking here about that first nations-crown gathering and the idea of resetting the relationship. I think it could be characterized as a real tinkering with the relationship, through Indian Act changes, to move to a much more comprehensive approach that we jointly carry out.
The way forward, as we would suggest, is one that moves from constraints and imposed control to respect, recognition, and support. We move from models of dependency and ad hoc and unreliable allocations to sustainable funding for basic services. We move away from unilateral delegation to shared accountability among jurisdictions, and we develop accepted standards.
On stability and safety, we are particularly concerned about the fact that many first nations remain critically vulnerable. New financial mechanisms are needed immediately to invest in and stabilize basic first nations needs for safe water, housing, and services for children and families. We see these issues on a daily basis.
I'll reflect back to the committee reports from Manitoba about concerns about communities that are going to see another year pass before they see their basic water needs met. Those are examples of why it feels that we lurch from crisis to crisis without really having the ability get out in front and plan proactively for the long-term solutions communities need.
How we do this becomes the question: how can we more effectively work together?
Many previous legislative approaches, as I've alluded to, have not reflected first nations priorities and aspirations. This results in conflict due to a failure to engage in a respectful process, as opposed to focusing on the content itself. It's about the content, but it's also about how we do the work. We're saying that, based on treaties and the nation-to-nation relationship, it becomes about us doing this work together.
The AFN has long advanced the need for principled partnership on any legislation to achieve change for first nations. It would include unique elements, including advancing the discussion on scope and intent, open information sharing, and joint drafting and development--I can point most recently to the work on the Specific Claims Tribunal Act as one example of a joint legislative effort--and agreed-to processes for decision-making and conflict resolution.
I want to focus on a really top priority for first nations, and that is education. I feel strongly that we have an opportunity, should we so choose, to get this right at this time in history. For us to be successful, it will require, as I said to you earlier, elements such as new machinery, new systems, and new fiscal arrangements. We need action through commitment and collaboration.
It's not restricted to the K to 12 area. We also have to bring a focus to post-secondary education. We require increased opportunity, investment, and reinforcement of the role of communities in nurturing and supporting students so that they succeed.
I believe that the apology of 2008 suggests that we've entered a new era of reconciliation that calls for action that gives effect to reconciliation. It requires investment in schools, with programming and new approaches grounded in first nations culture. If the residential schools sought to take away language, culture, and the connection with the heritage of first nations, then education should include these areas. It should include language programming, connection with the culture, and other areas that are not included right now, such as youth sports and youth recreation.
The work we do here together, and your work, can support the way forward and help us move past structural barriers or points of dissent through strategic study or review of key topics.
There are some important related areas I wanted to touch on very briefly.
First is the idea of acting jointly with the justice and human rights committee and the status of women committee to look at violence against indigenous women and girls, as well as working with indigenous women and leaders on a national action plan that will bring clear focus and attention to this issue. This remains a top priority for first nations. At the Council of the Federation, all the premiers joined first nations in bringing focus and attention to this area as a priority.
The second area is to examine reciprocal accountability mechanisms and the development of standards, capacity, and institutional supports, such as a first nations ombudsperson, an independent officer of Parliament, and/or an Auditor General--a first nations auditor general function. Think about the innumerable disputes that arise. We have no such structures in place at this time. These are not new suggestions; they have been around for a while.
Third, there is the area of responding proactively to address barriers to unlock first nations economic potential, such as streamlining policies related to additions to reserve and advancing resolution of land rights above the current limit of $150 million. This was one of the outstanding challenges in the Specific Claims Tribunal Act: claims over $150 million. I think some important work is happening in that area.
On this third piece about unleashing the economic potential, there are not only the specific claims but also the comprehensive claims, the negotiations that are happening in many parts of the country, which I know the regional chief could speak to about in the B.C. context as well, and there is the need for us to ensure that we move much more quickly to resolve the land issue between first nations and Canada.
By way of some concluding thoughts, when growing up, I was always reminded that when it came to challenges, there was the hard way or the harder way. It's already difficult, and it's already tough work, for us to accomplish jointly responding to this work. It's already difficult to overcome the partisanship that can flow into our work at times, but working separately is going to make this much tougher.
We must find a way forward at this juncture in history. This can happen only if we truly have an open and honest dialogue and if we share a mutual responsibility, as well as the determination to get through the very difficult issues.
I believe that the harder way--not finding a way--will adversely impact Canada's competitiveness. First nations are poised to make incredible economic contributions to the current and future life of this country. We demonstrated this by travelling to a place like China, which is seeking the rich natural resources of our land. First nations are poised to participate economically and unleash the human potential of our growing youth population, so this is about seeking a conversation with you to pursue a principled approach to some practical solutions for us to work together to achieve the promise and the potential of true treaty partnership.
I very much want to express my appreciation for your role in this work to forge all-party consensus on key priorities and to streamline approvals in areas like first nations claims and agreements. I suggest to you that we can achieve a much greater and much more rapid rate of change between first nations and Canada and in the lives of first nations peoples if we collectively choose that this is the moment for us to do so.
I thank you again for inviting us to appear before you.
Those are my opening thoughts, Mr. Chair.