Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Yes, this is on clause 7, proposed subsection 15(2). The version with amendment would have:
15(1) An investment subject to notification under Part III—other than an investment referred to in paragraph 11(1)(c)—that would not otherwise be reviewable is reviewable under this Part if
(a) it falls within a prescribed specific type of business activity that, in the opinion of the Governor in Council, is related to Canada's cultural heritage or national identity; and
(b) within twenty-one days after the certified date referred to in paragraph 13(1)(a)
(i) the Governor in Council, where the Governor in Council considers it in the public interest on the recommendation of the Minister, issues an order for the review of the investment, and
(ii) the Director sends a non-Canadian making the investment a notice for review.
Adding proposed subsection 15(2) would be:
(2) Despite the limits set out in subsections 14(3), 14.1(1) and (1.1) and 14.11(1) and (2), an investment is reviewable under this Part [regardless of its value] if
(a) the non-Canadian making the investment is a state-owned enterprise or is controlled by a state-owned enterprise;
(b) the Governor in Council, on the recommendation of the Minister, is of the opinion that a review of the investment is in the public interest; and
(c) the Governor in Council issues an order for the review within 21 days after the day on which the non-Canadian gives notice of the investment to the Director.
Mr. Chair, this is really to look after what we deem to be, at this point in time, threats from state-owned actors into foreign direct investment, really to look at the threshold as a whole.
We had testimony, specifically from Dr. Burton, that really spelled out this whole part. He said:
all Chinese global enterprises are fully integrated into the PRC party, state, corporate, military and security apparatus, because, as party General Secretary Xi Jinping put it, “Party, government, military, civilian, and academic, east, west, south, north, and center, the party leads everything.”
There are no Chinese industrial enterprises existing independently from China's party-state. Huawei, for example, does not self-identify as a Chinese state-owned enterprise, but, like all PRC institutions, its org chart suggests that Huawei's Chinese Communist Party branch takes precedence over the Huawei board of directors in corporate decision-making.
He also talked about how:
Chinese law requires that all companies and individuals co-operate with their intelligence establishment and hide that co-operation. That, combined with the Chinese regime's unrelenting cyber and human-source spying on our Parliament, political parties, government departments, universities and businesses, is reason enough to conclude that foreign investment from China must be subject to the most stringent national security test, regardless of what sector or industry the proposed investment may target.
I just want to talk, really briefly, too, about this bill. I think it's been great, Mr. Chair. As we switch from one bill to another in clause-by-clause very quickly, I want to talk about just how important this bill is in a larger strategy around foreign direct investment. We've gone through a lot of different instances of how important it is to look at foreign direct investment in tangible assets and also intangible assets. We're looking at this in broad scope.
This is an important bill. I think everyone in this committee understands that. I think everyone here wants to make it great. We've had some really incredible testimony, but this isn't a slam-dunk yet. When we look through amendments, we're really trying to make sure that we're looking at each aspect of this to the fullest, and that we ask the right questions. Then we can ensure that, when this bill is passed, it is not only a bill that acts on its own but also a bill that's going to work in a strategy for foreign direct investment in tangible assets, and investment as a whole.
One point that was made is that we need to modernize this act to ensure that it tackles economic security as well as national security. I know it was mentioned that this bill does not do that. It only tackles national security. We're missing that extra component. A stat that was bandied around was that only 1% of acquisitions from 2009 to 2019 have been reviewed by the departments at this point.
One part was that small and medium enterprises are essential to Canada, growing them but also protecting them. How are we protecting our SMEs and ensuring that all our small enterprises stay and grow in Canada? Is this looking only at one aspect, which is tangible assets, and not the intangible assets?
My colleague, Mr. Lemire, mentioned an example, the acquisition of Rona, which is really important. The minister had set conditions, but in the end, five years later, there was not much left of the company in Quebec. I think the example there was a company called Garant, with shovels that can't always be found in Rona stores anymore. There was also the example of Osisko Mining, which sold half of its Lac Windfall project to a South African mining company, Gold Fields, for $600 million, of which 50% formed a joint venture. It may not have been looked at as a whole.
It's bigger than just FDI and tangible industries. It's now mostly about intangible industries, and we're losing, as with Sidewalk Labs in Toronto or Dalhousie University, which has had Tesla investment but all of that IP left Dalhousie, left Canada and went to the U.S. Money goes to invest in Canada and Canada says, “Come and take our best stuff.”
One phenomenon of the last 25 years has been that corporations can unbundle parts of the value chain. We've learned that, because of their incredible power, corporations today, in their corporate strategies, can bundle, rebundle, unbundle and sell off an asset without shutting down the firm, and they're selling the firm out in an IPO.
One of the questions we'll ask as part of this amendment is, are we protecting that when we look at reviews of state-owned organizations? Maybe I'll start with the officials with one question on that. When it comes to a review of all state-owned organizations and understanding the significance of that, one of the first questions I have is, how are we looking not only at tangibles in FDI, in that investment, but also at intangible investment in Canada and protecting the IP?