Thank you very much.
Let me begin by thanking both the Subcommittee on International Human Rights and Reverend El Shafie for the invitation to contribute the experience of the Baha'i community to this inquiry into the treatment of religious minorities in Pakistan and elsewhere. I understand that the focus will be on Pakistan, Egypt, and Iraq.
The situation of Baha'is varies across the region. Some countries recognize the Baha'i faith as a religious minority in their constitutions and Baha'is practise their faith freely. In others, the Baha'i faith is proscribed and Baha'is are persecuted.
Where Baha'is suffer human rights violations, the violations are commonly justified on theological or political grounds. As a post-Quranic religion, founded after Muhammad, the Baha'i faith is often regarded as a heresy and its followers as apostates. The location of the Baha'i World Centre in Haifa, Israel, which was an accident of history, is regarded as evidence of links to Zionism.
I'll discuss two of the three country situations and make a very brief reference to an urgent situation in a neighbouring country. I'll conclude with some recommendations.
First I'll turn to Pakistan. After what we've just heard, this will sound surprising, but I hope it really is a point of hope. The National Spiritual Assembly, the elected consultative body that administers the affairs of the Baha'i community, was incorporated in 1985. The Baha'i faith was listed as one of Pakistan's non-Muslim religious minorities in amendments to its constitution in 1981.
The 9,900 Baha'is of Pakistan enjoy cordial relations with their government. Their marriages are recognized. Their children are granted leave from school for their holy days. Baha'i publications have been presented to political and other leaders. The meeting of a Baha'i delegation with President Musharraf in 1996 was covered by TV news, and Baha'i activities are widely advertised and reported in the country's media. This April, President Musharraf extended heartfelt congratulations to the Baha'is on Ridvan, a Baha'i holy day, and the Minister for Minorities spoke at the Ridvan celebrations, which were hosted by the ministry.
This could be an encouraging example of the capacity of a Muslim state to accommodate post-Quranic and therefore any other religious minorities.
Next I'll turn to Egypt, where the Baha'i faith dates back to 1867. Egyptian Baha'is enjoyed relative freedom of religion, and their community flourished, for almost a hundred years. However, since the adoption of presidential decree 263 in 1960, banning Baha'i institutions and activities and calling for the confiscation of Baha'i properties, the Baha'i community has been under constant police surveillance. Baha'is have been imprisoned solely because of their religion. On six occasions large groups have been arrested. They've not been permitted to gather to celebrate holy days. Their homes have been searched. Baha'i literature has been confiscated and destroyed. They've been unable to marry legally unless they declare themselves to be Muslims, which they're not willing to do. Baha'i children are regarded as illegitimate, leading to difficulties with such matters as pensions, inheritance, divorce, alimony, and custody of children.
With the computerization of national ID documents in Egypt, the situation of Baha'is became critical. Egyptian citizens are required to carry ID cards, and must present them to access such things as medical care, banking, employment, and education. When ID documents were issued manually, Baha'is were permitted to leave blank the space for religion, but since the documents were computerized, a Baha'i must identify himself or herself as Christian, Jew, or Muslim. And if they can't or won't, they don't get an identity document, which effectively strips them of their civic identity. They're subject to arrest if they're picked up in a police check.
Several Baha'is filed lawsuits. In April of 2006 a lower court ruled that a Baha'i couple had the right to state their religion on their ID card. The Ministry of Information appealed this ruling to the Supreme Administrative Court, and in December the judge ruled against the Baha'is. This case attracted a great deal of media interest, some in support of Baha'is. A number of human rights organizations, long reluctant to speak out, advocated on their behalf.
In January 2008, when the lower court issued a judgment on another two cases, ruling that you could leave blank the space for religion, draw a line through it, or state “other”, as determined by the Ministry of Information, the Egyptian government did not appeal the court's ruling, and stated its intention to uphold it. However, the court's decision has yet to be implemented—it was made in January—and to date, Baha’is have been unable to obtain identity documents.
Although our focus today is on Pakistan, Egypt, and Iraq, I will say a few words about the situation of the 300,000 Baha’is in Iran, where the government's official policy is the eradication of its largest religious minority as a viable community. The history of the Baha'i faith in Iran has been marked by episodes of persecution. However, since the outset of the Islamic revolution, the persecution has been relentless, and more recently has intensified.
There is much to be said, but I will limit myself to the matter of extreme urgency. In the early eighties, all the members of the National Spiritual Assembly, the governing body of the Baha'is of Iran, were “disappeared”. Those Baha'is elected to replace the missing members were arrested and summarily executed. Shortly thereafter, Baha'is were required to disband their official institutions. Over time, ad hod groups were named to serve the community as best they could at the national and local level. This was done with the knowledge and tacit assent of the Iranian officials, who from time to time called those representatives in for questioning.
On May 14, 2008, Iranian authorities arrested six of the seven members of the national ad hoc group. The seventh member had been arrested in Mashhad in early March. Within two days of the arrest, Canada's Minister of Foreign Affairs issued a statement, and there has been widespread media coverage and unprecedented support from Muslim intellectuals and human rights organizations. But families of those prisoners had no word from them until last week when a few of them were permitted to call home. As yet, there has been no word from others. Iranian officials are still refusing to confirm the prisoners' whereabouts, and no formal charges have been laid, although a government spokesperson has falsely alleged that they pose a threat to national security.
According to the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, religious intolerance and the persecution of religious minorities is on the rise. With it comes untold human suffering as well as a threat to human security and development. The solution to state-sponsored persecution of religious minorities requires that states rely on rule of law, objective criteria, and a human rights framework, rather than on theological issues and their relationship to their religious minorities. We would therefore urge the SDIR to initiate a study to identify effective foreign policy initiatives that would promote respect for freedom of religion or belief, prevent religious intolerance, and protect those suffering religious persecution.
More specifically, we would urge the SDIR to encourage Egypt to apply the court's ruling on identity documents to all Egyptian Baha'is without delay, to conduct an in-depth study of the human rights situation in Iran—we've been assured by a number of members that this is under consideration—and to adopt the motion concerning the arrest of the Baha'i leadership.
I'll conclude here, but I would be happy to engage in further discussion or to propose strategies for your consideration. I would welcome the opportunity to meet with any one of you who may wish to explore any aspect of our testimony in greater depth.
Thank you for your attention and this opportunity.