Thank you, Maran. Thank you for your wonderful opening remarks.
Thank you very much, Chairman, for inviting me to speak to you today at this historical moment of the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to our great countryman Liu Xiaobo.
In the opening paragraph of its announcement of the selection of Liu Xiaobo for the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize, the Nobel committee made a simple but profound statement:
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has long believed that there is a close connection between human rights and peace. Such rights are a prerequisite for the “fraternity between nations” of which Alfred Nobel wrote in his will.
I'm here today to plead with you, the representatives of a great democracy, to consider this statement very carefully. For too long, the democracies of the world have too often ignored this unbreakable bond between democracy and world peace. For too long, the democracies of the world have lulled themselves into thinking that political rights for the Chinese people will automatically follow in the wake of China's embrace of a market economy. We must now recognize that just the opposite has occurred.
The Washington Post raised the warning flag in an editorial on July 11 this year. The title of the editorial was “China's Thin Skin”. In it the Post clearly stated that Western democracies' toleration of China's disregard for human rights and the rule of law has only emboldened the government to increase its repression. I quote:
China's human rights record is dismal enough that the lastest crackdown on political opposition should not surprise, but there is a disturbing new element, human rights activists say: the government's total lack of reticence in going after even high-profile targets....The brazenness is a reflection of Beijing's increasing assertiveness in the international sphere--and its calculation that there is little or no price to be paid in its relations with the United States or other nations for abusing its own citizens.
The vociferous reaction of the Chinese government to the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo shows how out of reach the government in Beijing is with the outside world. The fact is that the Chinese government's repression of its own people is accelerating with its fear of losing its illegitimate and unilateral hold on power. From Tibetans to Uighurs to the burgeoning Christian community and Falun Gong practitioners, from independent intellectuals to dissidents such as Liu Xiaobo and Gao Zhisheng, the Chinese government has alienated virtually every segment of Chinese society.
Its persecution of its citizens is more widespread than ever before. Imprisonment, intimidation, and torture take place everywhere against all strata of society and all areas of human behaviour. Forced evictions of citizens, to make way for the grandiose schemes of the government and to enrich the pockets of local officials, are rampant. Three hundred thousand people were forced to leave their homes in Beijing to make way for the 2008 Olympics. And 18,000 families were displaced--with little or no compensation and without recourse--to make way for the Shanghai World Expo, that the UN-Habitat called a monumental achievement.
The cases of Liu Xiaobo and Gao Zhisheng highlight the brutal repression of free expression and the emasculation of the independent scholars, human rights lawyers, and professionals. The discontent and alienation are so deep and widespread that more than 120,000 large-scale demonstrations occur each year in China that go largely unreported in the west.
To keep a lid on this cauldron of discontent, in the past 20 years the Chinese government has constructed an unprecedented police state, or, as the Chinese government calls it, a “stability-preserving” system. This huge security apparatus costs the Chinese people over 5 trillion yuan out of the GNP each year.
This security system is out of control. It clearly shows the paranoia of this regime and its attitude that its citizens are enemies to be mentally and socially controlled at all costs. For instance, Chen Guangcheng, the recently released blind human rights lawyer, is closely watched by about 30 security agents at any given time.
It has become common practice for the government to hire thugs and gangsters to beat and kidnap dissidents and family members to intimidate them into silence. When the so-called sensitive dates come around, the government-deemed sensitive personnel elements are intimidated, imprisoned, placed under house arrest, harassed, and taken to a police station--or restaurant for “tea”. That's a new term that has been developed in the past few years, that you're taken for a cup of tea. After the announcement to the world of our peace prize, many, many people, in every city, were taken to police stations for tea. Some of them were placed under close surveillance. Some of them were even placed under house arrest. In Beijing itself that involved more than 200 of them.
I could go on all day, but the record is clear. The question is will we continue to ignore reality and allow the Chinese government to continue its self-destructive ways with serious consequences to the Chinese people and world stability? Or will we help the Chinese government to truly join the world community by embracing the universal values of democracy and the rule of law?
In this regard, today I offer the following suggestions.
Number one, most urgently, I would like to urge the Prime Minister, Mr. Harper, to reach out on the cases of Liu Xiaobo and Gao Zhisheng, and other cases, and talk to the Chinese government. I most urgently ask him to talk to Hu Jintao in his meeting during the G-20 summit next month in Korea to ask for the release of Liu Xiaobo and return of freedom to Liu Xia.
Number two, we should replace the policy of patience and acquiescence with a policy of reciprocity. In our relations with China, we should connect its ability to enjoy the fruits of our open society, through treaty relations, academic exchanges, media, etc., to its demonstrated advances in opening freedom of speech and Internet access in their own society. That is to say, we should demand that our citizens should do what we allow their citizens to do in our open society.
Number three, Canada and China had a human rights dialogue between 1996 and 2006. I urge that it be reopened, with the caveat that human rights groups be involved.
Number four, the Canadian Parliament should establish a foundation--Canada's equivalent of the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy--to actively support the Chinese democracy movement based in North America.
Time does not permit me to elaborate on this point, but I will leave you with this counsel. Proceed with strength and engage with confidence. Democratic reform must come to China, not only for the sake of the Chinese people but also for the sake of world peace. We must help the Chinese people make this transition peaceful and successful.
Do not fear negative reaction by the Chinese government. It knows that it is in a precarious position. All of its rhetoric is the bluffing of a desperate regime that knows its time is running out. We must help the Chinese people with our firmness and guidance. Above all, we must back our words with actions.
Thank you.