Evidence of meeting #34 for Subcommittee on International Human Rights in the 40th Parliament, 3rd Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was refugees.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Chantal Desloges  Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

1:10 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

Today is November 25. This is the 34th meeting of the Subcommittee on International Human Rights of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2), we are continuing our study into the treatment of sexual minorities in Uganda.

We have as a witness today Chantal Desloges, who is an immigrant and refugee lawyer from Toronto. She is here to testify by video conference. After she is done, we will turn the floor over to questions.

Let me start, Chantal, by just saying hello. We have a personal connection, as Chantal was at a conference that I was also at in Jerusalem last year. It's good to see you again.

Welcome to our committee. Please feel free to start.

1:10 p.m.

Chantal Desloges Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Just to clarify my qualifications for the committee, I am an immigration and refugee lawyer with almost 14 years of experience. I'm certified as a specialist by the Law Society of Upper Canada in both immigration law and refugee law as well. For the past eight years, I have done a great many overseas refugee sponsorships. So I have a lot of experience in the area of regulatory framework that you've been looking at since your last session.

I understand that what you've been looking at is the issue of sexual minorities in Uganda. I have had the benefit of reading the transcript of the witnesses that you had at the prior sitting, so I understand that the issue is in regard to logistical problems that they're having in seeking refuge in other countries, and particularly Canada, and that's why you called me here today. I can indeed identify the procedures for you, identify some areas of concern, and give you some recommendations.

In order to know what you can or cannot recommend, of course, you have to understand a little bit about the statutory and regulatory framework, and that's where I'm taking you now.

First of all, there are two ways someone can claim refugee status in Canada. You can apply if you're inside the country--you can make a claim inland--or, if you're outside Canada, you can make an application as a convention refugee abroad.

In order to make a claim inside Canada, obviously you have to make it to Canada in order to lodge your claim. However, as your previous witness testified, and I agree, the system is set up so that the very temporary visa that would allow a refugee to come to Canada and make that claim is not issued to people who actually intend to make refugee claims in the first place.

Temporary visas are intended for tourists. They're not meant for people who are coming here permanently. They're meant for people who are going to come and visit and then go back. The only way to get such a visa, if you were a refugee claimant, would be, frankly, to lie about it, which some people do. International law actually precludes countries from punishing refugees from doing that if it's the only way to save their lives.

Basically, it's a catch-22 from the very beginning. We'll process your refugee claim if you manage to make it here, but then again, we're going to do everything in our power to make sure you don't make it here in the first place. That leaves people, of course, at the mercy of human smugglers, and then we get all riled up when people find illegal means of entering the country, such as the scene you saw recently in Vancouver with the Tamil boat people.

That's why, in my submission, it's kind of ridiculous to call these people queue jumpers, because there is no actual legitimate way that they can apply to come here as a refugee, except in very narrow circumstances, which I'm about to get into.

The overseas refugee program, the way it's set up, states that individuals can come as refugees from abroad only if they're already outside their country of nationality where they're being persecuted. People who are inside their country of nationality, even if they're under dire threat of death or persecution, cannot meet the definition of refugee. It's inherent that you have to be outside your country of origin. So if you're inside your country, you're out of luck, basically.

There's also a category called the source country class, where if your country is on this certain list of countries, you can actually apply for refugee status while you're still living inside your own country without having to leave. However, the problem is that the list is extremely limited. It's somewhat out of date. Right now, there are really only six countries on this list. They include: Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Congo, Sierra Leone, and Sudan. El Salvador and Guatemala--those are obviously out of date. They're not having the upheavals they used to. Rather incredibly, countries like Afghanistan or Iraq, for example, where we know there are serious human rights violations, are not on this list.

Even if the refugees are actually living outside their country, so they meet the aspect of the definition, they can only apply under three very narrow circumstances. Number one is if you're sponsored to Canada by a sponsorship agreement holder, so that would be a church or other organization that has an agreement with the minister to allow you to sponsor refugees, or you could also be sponsored by a group of five concerned Canadians who are willing to support you financially for a year after you arrive. That program is called the private sponsorship of refugees program, or PSR.

The second way would be if that person is referred to the Canadian government through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Canadian government agrees to accept that person for resettlement to Canada. That process is called government-assisted refugee; we also call them GAR, for short.

The third way is that you have a refugee who is financially wealthy enough to be able to support themselves after they come to Canada without any recourse to any help. That could be a self-supporting refugee. I've never actually done one of those before, but it does exist as a statutory category.

As you can imagine, the statutory regime, the way it stands, severely limits legitimate refugees from even applying to come to Canada as refugees in the first place, because most refugees, let's face it, don't have anyone here in Canada who is willing to support them for a year, along with their family, after they arrive in Canada. And most don't have sufficient wealth to establish that they can do it on their own.

That leaves them basically at the mercy of the UNHCR referral system, which can take years; it's very cumbersome. Because of the very small quota of refugees Canada accepts every year, people can be stuck in refugee camps for decades, literally. That's how you end up in that situation.

Aside from the limitations within the statutory framework, there are also some procedural difficulties that people face when they try to apply as refugees. I've included in the reference material I've sent over for you—I hope you've received your copy—a printout from the Immigration Canada website. It shows you what the processing times are for people who apply as refugees. The information is provided in English and in French.

It shows all of the different Canadian visa offices and how long they take to process sponsored refugees or government-assisted refugees. Of specific interest, Ugandan people would apply through the Canadian High Commission in Nairobi. If you look at the data for Nairobi, you will find that the processing times are really astronomical. If you're a privately sponsored refugee, you will wait 50 months to be processed to Canada. If you're a government-assisted refugee, you will wait 35 months to be processed for refugee status. That means three to four years of living in what are usually unsafe conditions.

There are also operational problems that confront the embassies. For example, there are government-imposed quotas on the numbers; the number of trained officers who are available to interview people is very limited; in addition, if the person isn't actually in Kenya and can't attend the embassy for the interview, they have to wait until such time as the embassy can send a visa officer to the country they are in to interview them. As you can imagine, that can take a long time.

You have to sympathize with the embassy staff. They don't have an easy job. They're trying to cope with a lot of applicants with very few resources and they're trying to schedule trips to interview people in countries that sometimes aren't even safe to go to.

It's also worth noting that many times, unfortunately, the decision-making of visa officers is a little bit lacking in the area of refugee determination. The area of refugee law is very complicated. It's been developed in the jurisprudence at a very advanced level, and it's not easy for a lay person to understand. If we compare the level of training that the visa officers receive with, say, the level of training a refugee board member in Canada would receive, there's simply no comparison.

A visa officer is expected to make a lot of different kinds of decisions. For example, one minute they could be looking at a work permit, the next minute they could be looking at a marriage sponsorship, and the next minute they could be analyzing a refugee applicant. The overall acceptance rate for refugees in Nairobi is currently sitting around 60%, which means that close to half of all claimants are refused. It's a pretty high refusal rate.

Don't get me wrong. I don't want you to misunderstand me. I'm not saying that visa officers are incompetent. They're definitely not; they're doing the best they can with what they have. But what they have is not a lot.

I also printed out in the materials for you a copy in English and French of the application kit a refugee would use if they wanted to apply to come to Canada as a refugee. If you look through it, you'll see that the kit is quite complex. It contains exhaustive instructions and a lot of data and requires a lot of supporting documentation as well. However, all of the information that is in those application forms and on the document checklist is required information. This is something the government needs in order to make the determination they need to make and in order to make sure the person is not a security threat. It's hard to know how you could simplify it; that would be difficult.

Finally, section 10 of the immigration and refugee protection regulations is the section that says what constitutes a perfected application or complete application. What it says, basically, is that if you send in your application with any of the data missing, or if any of the required documentation is missing, they don't even accept it as an application; they just mail it back to you. You can imagine that if you're an unsophisticated person, a refugee, who's applying to Canada and doesn't know anything about our system, there are so many ways you could go wrong in that application kit, and it would just be bounced back to you. You have to keep sending it until you get it right.

I have heard that Nairobi has some kind of private agency that pre-screens applications and charges people a fee, but refugees don't have to pay the fee, which can help them to fill out the forms and make sure the documents are there. I don't know a great deal about it, but I know it exists.

If you're looking for recommendations of what could be done to help these sexual minorities in Uganda, I would say that the existing system simply does not, as it stands, allow for refugees to be processed quickly to enter Canada if they're under a situation of threat. It simply doesn't exist. Probably the only way you might be able to do it is by a special program that would have to be in cooperation with the minister. It would have to be a special measure.

There is some historical precedent for this. For example, some of you may remember when the government brought the Kosovar refugees from Kosovo to Canada as part of a group resettlement; that was done as a special program. They also did something similar just a few years ago for the Burmese refugees, the religious minorities who were stuck in a refugee camp in Thailand. So it's not unprecedented; however, it would be an exception to the rule, just to be clear.

Someone might have a problem justifying why we should do something special for this particular group of people when there are many different groups of people out there who are under at least as much persecution and sometimes even more.

The other recommendations that I have are more to do with ways in which the system itself could be improved. I don't know whether you're interested in hearing about those, because it wouldn't specifically affect this group that you're looking at.

What I'll do is maybe turn it over for questions, and you can let me know what types of things you're interested in.

1:20 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

That sounds like a good idea. I think anything that is germane to the particular situation under question, which is of course the sexual minorities from Uganda, is very welcome. But perhaps, as you say, we can get to additional information through questioning.

We have 35 minutes left. That means we can have seven-minute rounds.

We'll start with Professor Cotler from the Liberals.

1:20 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

I'd like to take up the suggestion you just made, because following your presentation I think it would be germane to it and helpful to us, and that is, ways in which the system itself could be improved. I expect that would impact not only with regard to Kenya, but beyond.

In that connection, I wonder if you might offer some comments on Bill C-49, because while it has been characterized as a bill with respect to combatting human smuggling, nonetheless it has an impact with respect to refugees and people fleeing from dangerous situations in their homeland. One of the newspapers, The Province, noted, interestingly enough, that Albert Einstein would have been rejected under this legislation. I'm wondering whether you could comment on that as well and perhaps integrate the two in your response.

1:20 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

Absolutely, I can do that.

My number one recommendation for improving the system would be to expand the category of people who can apply for refugee protection while still living in their own country. As I said before, you can't be a refugee if you're inside your own country. The only other way would be if you are in the source-country class, which has only six countries on it. Uganda is not one of them. This needs to be expanded. It could be done either by amending the legislative definition of convention refugee abroad class, or by expanding the source-country list. So you could add more countries to it, for example. That's one recommendation.

The other thing is that you could increase the government-imposed quotas for government-assisted refugees, or GARs. Right now, I believe the quota for Nairobi is something like 1,000 per year. If you imagine all of the refugees in Kenya, that's really just a drop in the bucket. Increasing those quotas would go a long way.

Also, increasing the quotas for privately sponsored refugees, which would allow people who have sponsors in Canada...it would allow more numbers, and things would go a lot more quickly. That makes a great deal of sense when you think about it. These people are sponsored by organizations or people in Canada who are guaranteeing a financial commitment for these people. So there's no downside risk for anyone. You get to save someone's life and at the same time it doesn't cost the public anything.

The Nairobi mission needs to be resourced more effectively. It's one of the busiest missions in the world for Canada, if not the busiest one, possibly. They're trying to do a lot of different things and process a lot of different cases, with no increase in logistical support. I think they need that. Training would also be part of that, training the officers properly in refugee law.

Finally, the application procedure should be simplified. If someone in a refugee class sends in an application that for some reason is incomplete, instead of just sending it back to them and waiting all that time, maybe we should just request the missing documentation, so that they don't lose their space in the queue. You can't overestimate the difficulty that people have and the amount of time that's lost in sending things back and forth.

You also asked about Bill C-49. I'm glad you asked me about that, because I love to tell my views about that bill. What you said was correct. Bill C-49 has been pitched to the public as a method of deterring human smugglers. When you say it like that, it's motherhood and apple pie. Who doesn't want to deter human smugglers? They're the scum of the earth, they're organized crime, blah, blah, blah.

The problem is, if you actually look at the bill, many provisions of it are punitive to refugee claimants. I'm not talking about bogus refugee claimants; I'm talking about people who are totally legitimate. For example, one of the provisions is that if you are designated as one of these group arrivals, which is arbitrary, really.... What difference does it make if you're a refugee who came on a boat with other people or if you came on a plane by yourself? It's arbitrary. If you're in that designated group, even if you're accepted as a refugee claimant and you're found to be totally credible and everything you're saying is true and you would be in danger...you're going to be prevented from bringing your family members to Canada for a period of five years.

I fail to see how that punishes human smugglers. That punishes refugees, and that is not right. I also think that a lot of these provisions will not withstand a constitutional challenge.

1:25 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Just to follow up on that, do you also think they breach our international obligations, and possibly the charter?

1:25 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

Absolutely, they do. There are several international conventions. I could get the citations for you if you like.

Just to give you one small example, international law indicates that once a refugee is determined to be a refugee, you should make every possible effort to integrate them into your society, so as not to leave them displaced and hanging in limbo for a long time.

Historically, Canada has been one of the very few countries that has been really good at that. We allow them to get permanent residence. We allow them to proceed toward citizenship. This would be a huge step backwards.

1:25 p.m.

Liberal

Irwin Cotler Liberal Mount Royal, QC

Thank you.

1:25 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

All right.

Madame Deschamps, s'il vous plaît.

1:25 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I'll speak to you in French, Ms. Desloges. I hope the translation is coming through. Can you hear me well?

1:25 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

Yes, I do. I understand French, but I would prefer the interpreter.

1:25 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

I suspected as much because there are some Desloges in my family, and they're French.

I have to admit that anything related to immigration or to legislation that governs it is not really my area of expertise.

When we began studying the issue of violence and discrimination toward sexual minorities, the committee received, among others, one particular witness. He told us about the difficulties people in his situation face, and about how they are threatened in their country of origin. I find the current system to be very complex, very bureaucratic.

I think that we are in a way closing the door to a large number of people from African countries who are applying for refugee status in Canada. Owing to the reduced number of public servants abroad and the closing of embassies—other embassies will close soon—people who are seeking help now have fewer opportunities to apply for refugee status.

According to what I've heard, embassy employees are poorly informed or understand little of the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. Often, fearful of making a mistake, they may reject an application in order to avoid being reprimanded. This is an issue.

Just off the top of your head, could you tell me whether the Americans have enacted less restrictive legislative measures in order to make it easier for these applicants to enter the country?

1:30 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

That's something I don't know much about, U.S. refugee law. However, I do know that they had some flexible measures put in place for Iraqis, but beyond that, I don't know what they've done in the U.S., no.

1:30 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

Could you comment on what I said earlier, regarding consular services available, especially in Africa?

1:30 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

Sure, I'd be happy to comment on that.

As I said, I want to preface my remarks by saying that I don't want to disparage or demean the visa officers in any way. They have a very difficult job and they're doing it with very few resources, but I do think they could use some more training. I have to sympathize with them. I've been doing refugee law on a full-time basis, eating, sleeping, and breathing it for almost 14 years, and I'm still learning new things every day. It's a very complicated area of law. We have board members in Canada and that's their full-time job, just to do that every single day. So I do think that any amount of extra training that could go to the visa officers would definitely be helpful.

I think another problem we have is that a lot of the pre-decision work is done by locally engaged officers. These are people who work at the embassy, but they're not Canadians. This is the pre-screening of the application, the handling of the paperwork, sometimes even interviews, although not so much with refugee claims.

I strongly disagree with the practice of using locally engaged officers, particularly for sensitive cases such as this. You know the people who are working at the High Commission in Nairobi are African, and given what we know about homophobic tendencies in a lot of the African countries, for a gay man or a gay woman to go into the Canadian High Commission in Nairobi and deal with another African, handling their paperwork for the refugee claim, is at the least extremely unnerving, and also I fear that the biases of the person could creep in to the decision-making process.

1:30 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

You mentioned the implementation of a special program. Does the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act contain any provisions geared specifically toward sexual minorities?

1:35 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

Yes, absolutely. That could be done in a couple of ways. One way would be to create a one-time project. It doesn't operate with any sort of regulatory amendment or anything like that; it's a special project where national headquarters would say, for example, that they want to get 200 cases, or something like that, out of Uganda within a specific timeframe. If they have the willpower to do that, all they have to do is say the word and it can be done; all they would have to do is speed up the process that's already there.

They could also do it by issuing special temporary visas for them. These are not visitor visas, but there is something called a temporary resident permit. Those are usually issued only in very specific, exceptional circumstances. Legally, it could be done; it just takes willpower.

1:35 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

Given your expertise, has the government consulted you in the past when reviewing its legislation?

1:35 p.m.

Lawyer, Certified Specialist in Immigration and Refugee Law, As an Individual

Chantal Desloges

I have from time to time been asked for feedback on refugee matters. For example, I was part of a lobby group a couple of years ago on behalf of the Iraqi community--religious minorities in Iraq--that did a significant amount of lobbying. I wrote a report at that time about the problems they were having, and some recommendations.

As a result of the efforts of that lobby group, the minister did in the end increase the quotas for the visa office in Damascus to allow more Iraqi refugees into Canada, if they were sponsored.

1:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

Your time is up.

1:35 p.m.

Bloc

Johanne Deschamps Bloc Laurentides—Labelle, QC

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank you, Ms. Desloges.

1:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

Mr. Marston, please.

1:35 p.m.

NDP

Wayne Marston NDP Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, ON

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

It's good to see you again. I think it's been about a week since we met in my office.

I'm sitting here mulling over one side of this—and Mr. Chair, I'll even interrupt myself—and I believe the testimony we've had from this witness today is worthy of sending to Citizenship and Immigration Canada, or to the committee that handles it. There's some detail we've heard that might be helpful to them and they may want to follow up with this witness.

1:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Scott Reid

Let's wait until we get the official Hansard, including, of course, the questions and answers they haven't yet asked, and then we'll make sure we pass it on.

1:35 p.m.

NDP

Wayne Marston NDP Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, ON

Sure.

One of the things I am curious about...you mentioned a one-time project. Are you aware of a time when the government has actually said to a select number of people, similar to this--a couple of hundred people--that if they could get out of the country, they would send an officer to deal with their applications?