Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I want to thank the Subcommittee on International Human Rights for inviting us and for inviting Amnesty International to speak to the violence against women in the DRC.
I will try to cover three points in my short presentation. I will talk about Amnesty International's research and the need for a new justice strategy. I will also make recommendations that could be useful to the subcommittee in terms of the actions Canada can take.
Amnesty International has been present in that region for many decades in order to document sexual violence, campaign for justice and the protection of advocates, and make specific recommendations to all the stakeholders.
Over the course of four terrible days in July and August 2010, more than 300 women, girls, men and boys were raped by armed men in the Walikale region, in North Kivu. The victims were robbed of their goods, and then left to suffer in a state of incredible shock. They lost absolutely everything: their physical and mental health, their means of livelihood and their feeling of safety. The rapes were committed 30 km from a UN peacekeeping force base with 80 peacekeepers on site. The rapes were organized and systematic. The national army did nothing to protect the population.
North Kivu's civilians have been suffering for years, while armed groups and Congolese or foreign soldiers have been fighting for control of resources, especially mining and land-based resources. Armed groups and members of the Democratic Republic of Congo's armed forces have been committing serious human rights violations, including war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The acts of sexual violence committed in the DRC are sometimes described as a war within a war. In the wake of the two years of war that ravaged the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1996 and 1998, the eastern part of the country continues to be ravaged by conflicts owing to the persistent presence of local and foreign armed groups fighting for power and control of resources.
The physical and psychological suffering is tremendous. Victims of mass rape, which is perpetrated collectively in most cases, require long and complicated treatment in an attempt to heal the physical injuries and significant psychological trauma. Local health centres are also pillaged. Very few victims receive immediate treatment after the attack. In addition, it is difficult for humanitarian organizations to provide victims with timely care and medication. The road infrastructure used to reach victims is in a pitiful state. Delivering medical equipment is almost impossible. Many victims don't try to obtain care, as they fear rejection by their family or husband. The trauma suffered by women who are victims of rape in the Walikale region seems to be exacerbated by the fear of rejection, sexually transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancy.
Psychological consequences for victims of sexual violence include depression, shock, deep-seated feelings of fear, rage and shame, loss of self-esteem, feelings of guilt, memory loss and nightmares. But that's not all; the socio-economic consequences are also very serious. Victims are discriminated against and rejected; they are abandoned by their husband, and must take care of their children alone. All their goods—their animals, home and what few possessions they have—are pillaged or stolen. They lose their means of livelihood and their ability to feed their children and meet their needs. Children's survival is a daily struggle. Elementary school education is not even free. Therefore, collective rape against women also has repercussions on future generations, as children stop going to school.
A number of women's organizations—and we want to stress this—human rights groups, churches and Congolese development organizations have joined forces to meet the victims' needs. Amnesty International estimates that those initiatives—which are mostly successful locally—provide a model that can and must be supported. The model is adopted and implemented by the DRC government, and all international donors must support that initiative in the case of a systematic national response to the crisis.
The attacks in the Walikale region have clearly brought to light how limited the integration process of armed groups into the Congolese army is. Investigations into the atrocities committed in North Kivu are moving along slowly. I was talking to Denis who told me that the trial could begin, but everything has been extremely slow. I will also explain later why there are many deficiencies in the system.
Fizi is another case. That's another place where collective and mass rapes took place. It is also overwhelming evidence that justice is lacking in the DRC.
In Fizi, women were raped twice: once in January and then again in June. The first time was one of the rare examples of the struggle against impunity. Those who committed the collective rapes were actually tried and sentenced to 15 or 20 years in prison. They were then sent to penitentiaries, but have since escaped. Many of them arranged to be broken out of prison or escaped on their own.
I will now discuss the need for developing a new justice strategy. Like many other international organizations, we have really focused over the last few months—especially as part of the election—on the need for justice. It is time for justice to be served. Our last report, which came out in August 2011 and was very long, explains what kind of strengthening the Congolese system needs. The current fragility of the Congolese criminal justice system and the lack of a comprehensive strategy for rebuilding and reform are the main obstacles to obtaining truth, justice and compensation.
Our report calls for the country's justice system to be reformed and strengthened. There are many deficiencies. There is a desperate need for a national witness and victims protection program. Corruption is endemic. The reasons behind that are the following: lack of judicial independence; staff, training and resource shortages; failure to enforce court rulings, including the state's failure to provide financial compensation; poor prison conditions; and, of course, the ease with which people escape from prison. In addition, owing to a lack of coordination between Congolese authorities and the numerous international donors, certain issues are addressed twice or even three times, while others are not addressed at all.
The DRC government suggested creating a special court that would be empowered to render decisions on these crimes. The proposal was debated and then rejected. We hope that it will be reconsidered. Much more is needed for regular courts to be able to apply the necessary mechanisms, especially when it comes to guaranteeing trial fairness and consistency in proceedings, as well as providing a program for protecting victims and witnesses. We are really trying to send an important message as part of our work against impunity. An effective coordination mechanism must be established and agreed upon by all the donors and the government.
In Walikale, the victims were heard from and investigations were carried out fairly quickly by MONUSCO. Unfortunately, the victims were not provided with any kind of protection. They were brought by the truckload—for all to see —to an investigator for questioning. They suffered retaliation and were the target of many written and verbal threats. No one wants to testify in such conditions.
As I said, Fizi is one of the rare cases where the perpetrators were quickly brought to justice. Unfortunately, it is too easy to escape from prison.
A comprehensive strategy is necessary to prioritize the development of a strategy for reforming the justice system. Here are our recommendations to Canada and other international stakeholders.
First, the Human Rights Council must change its attitude from that of occasional indignation to that of true commitment to strengthening the DRC's justice system. Second, the international community must make sure that all the donors adopt a more concerted and comprehensive approach. Third, the funding required for reforming the DRC's justice system must be provided.
As we know, when countries are experiencing conflict, justice is the only way to put an end to rape and sexual violence. In addition, long-term and ongoing resources must be provided to local Congolese organizations that assist victims and defend human rights.
We acknowledge the relevance of the Canadian project and its great value added in terms of the struggle against sexual violence. We see this project, which is carried out by CIDA, as a high-profile commitment by the Canadian government in the fight against sexual violence. We commend the good practices included in the Canadian project's legal component. The financial support provided to courts and tribunals in legal proceedings has helped many women obtain a trial and led to a conviction of the guilty parties.
However, victim protection leading up to legal proceedings is very important. They must also be protected during the proceedings. They often find refuge in the homes of human rights activists. That's a huge obstacle for them. They must leave their home, travel 100 km or 200 km and leave their kids at home. Who will take care of the children? Who will feed them?
Although the Canadian project is a good initiative, the government should also consider supporting all the international efforts and being something of a leader in terms of justice in a more general sense. That way, it could try to take a more systematic approach to addressing the issue of sexual violence and preventing the stigmatization of the victims of that type of violence and other victims of human rights violations.
Amnesty International is not the only one conducting an important campaign within the international community concerning the DRC; many other NGOs are also doing so. The campaign calls for the creation of a concerted international justice program. We have benefited from the election, and we hope that the campaign promises will be honoured.
We would also like to say something about defending and protecting human rights activists. I have spoken with Justine Masika Bihamba, who was a victim of violent repression herself. She is in charge of a small group in the Congo for protecting women, her daughters and herself. One day, armed men came into her office, tied up her children in front of her, simulated and threatened her with sexual violence at knifepoint. We have submitted a petition with 20,000 signatures to the DRC embassy in Ottawa asking that human rights activists be protected.
At the technical level, we would also like to support—and we hope that Canada could do the same—a technical cooperation mandate at the Human Rights Council in order to support the DRC in terms of justice and impunity. An independent expert on the DRC would be involved. That person would have expertise in the areas of judicial reform and the struggle against impunity. That's really the way for us to put an end to sexual violence.
Thank you.