Let me take each one of those very quickly, and in order.
Very much so we recommended that there should be a committee on impunity. We felt that what was going on in Guatemala was actually quite an effective help by the international community. Mr. Stein, who was our chair, of course, knew it quite well, being a Guatemalan.
It is one of our recommendations. I do not know if it has been adopted or not. I believe the government actually requested it, but where it went from there, I'm afraid I just don't know.
Second, on the human rights reports, yes, we asked the UNDP to select four human rights experts. They did a report. I think it is with UNDP headquarters. It was quite extensive. It was longer than...so we melded it a bit into our own report. We didn't attach it as a separate report. I suppose we could have done it as an annex, and I don't recall why we didn't, but we felt we took the essence of it and put it into our own words. That was our job. But I do believe it may be at UN headquarters in New York. I think that's the case.
Regarding evidence of the United States government participating in the coup, we didn't find any. There were rumours that the plane that took Zelaya to Costa Rica was refuelled, and that the Americans knew about this. I happen to know the U.S. ambassador quite well from a previous life and so forth, and I have no reason to believe, having asked him directly if they had foreknowledge or if they were in any way.... But the U.S. government is pretty big and it has a lot of different arms, so I honestly don't know. We certainly would not have put that in our report, because we had no evidence that the U.S. was involved in the expulsion or the coup part of it.
With respect to the harassment question, we did not find we were harassed. Of course we were a creature, in a sense, by a decree-law of the government, and our standing was fairly well known. If there had been any sense of harassment, there obviously would have been a pretty large amount of publicity about it. We weren't harassed at any time.
We had high security, because we were worried about drug dealers and so on in some of these remote areas, and we'd just go through in our cars at about 150 kilometres an hour. Things could be quite sticky in some of the areas, but I think that was more drug-related than related to our own situation as human rights commissioners.
I suppose you do have a kind of parallel group in Honduras of maybe former military, who maybe have links with the current military, or certainly with the police, and they would turn a blind eye, which could involve harassment for one's group. I'd be surprised if it happened in Washington, but it wouldn't surprise me if you say your colleagues had difficulties of that nature, that they might have been perpetrated by these parallel organizations, or paramilitary organizations, or para-police organizations—the wink wink, nudge nudge sort of thing. I wouldn't think it would be happening with official sanction of the presidential palace, but it could possibly be happening.