I think the end of your question is where I'd like to start.
I think the pressure on Iran, in general—both its regional activity and its domestic oppression—will ease because this will move from the front page to the back page. This will no longer be the priority, certainly, of the U.S. government. There will be a desire to ensure that the Iranians comply with the nuclear agreement. Negotiators will generally fall in love with their agreements—all negotiators are the same, all administrations are the same—and will defend those agreements against all evidence to the contrary about those agreements not working, whether with respect to nuclear compliance, regional aggression, or their impact on the domestic situation in Iran. What I fear the most is that not only will this be less of a priority, but to the extent that Iran engages in nefarious behaviour, whether violating the nuclear agreement—which they'll do, by the way, incrementally, not egregiously, even though the sum total of their incremental cheating will always be egregious—whether they engage in regional aggression and continue their hegemonic ambitions in the Middle East, or whether they crack down even more viciously inside Iran, our position will be that we don't want to do anything to risk this nuclear agreement. As flawed, as unsatisfactory as this agreement is, it will be all the more reason that we don't want to risk it and have the Iranians walk away from the table. If anything, I think Canada is in a unique position to take the lead on human rights.
I would just add one other point, because I think we tried this in the U.S. and failed. We tried to link human rights to Iran's economy. The problem with human rights sanctions has always been that the penalty for abuse, for being designated, has always been mostly symbolic. It's been a travel ban. To the extent that we can get a hold of assets outside the country, some of them have been frozen. But what you really need to do is look at the fundamental sectors of Iran's economy controlled by the Revolutionary Guards that feed the Basij, that feed the Quds Force, that feed the intelligence services, and you need to designate those sectors of the economy as sectors of primary human rights abuses and actually drain the revenue from those sectors and make it very difficult for these human rights abusers, who, by the way, are also business people. They're business people, they're politicians, and they're abusers, and you need to hit them in all three areas. You need to delegitimize them, prevent them from travelling, you need to make it more difficult for them to operate domestically, and you also need to go after their business interests—the companies, the front organizations—and drain the revenues that they need to sustain their political base and the revenues that they need to continue to build up, as I call it, this vast system of domestic oppression. If you amend SEMA, you begin to lay the predicate for that kind of legal activity inside Canada.