Thank you very much for having me.
I will try to present some basic contextual information on the recent developments in Turkish politics. Then I will try to entertain questions from the committee.
Under the current government, Turkey has undergone a major political transformation in the last 15 years. The government not only adopted significant democratic reforms but also established active civilian control of the military. With the beginning of the European Union integration process, the government implemented reform packages and complied with the requirements of the Copenhagen criteria.
Significant improvements were achieved in this period in regard to the property rights of the religious minorities. The government also launched an ambitious project of peace-building to resolve the problems of its Kurdish citizens. In fact, the democratic achievements in the country were praised by the international community and international organizations. When the Arab Spring movement grew in the Middle East, many western observers pointed to Turkey as a model country for the region.
However, while Turkey was adopting these steps, several developments in Turkey and in the region challenged the ongoing processes and effective functioning of the state machinery. The first challenge arose with the beginning of the civil wars alongside Turkey's borders. Important trade partners of Turkey, including Iraq and Syria, were not only embroiled in major civil wars but also began to export insecurity through their borders as they resembled failed states.
It also generated a paradoxical situation. On the one hand, the government adopted a humanitarian refugee policy by implementing an open-door approach to all refugees fleeing from the atrocities in the region; on the other hand, it was trying to protect itself from the increasing security threats from the terrorist organization. The rise of ISIS in the region elevated the threat level in Turkey. ISIS first attacked Turkey's consulate in Mosul, and attacks started to take place within Turkey soon after.
From June 2015 to January 2017, ISIS organized the deadliest attacks in Turkish history, including an attack at the biggest nightclub in Turkey, leaving 39 people killed and 71 wounded; an attack on the biggest airport in Turkey, with 45 killed and 230 wounded; an attack on the most important tourist attraction in Turkey; and an attack on the most significant city square in Turkey. In fact through its publication, ISIS declared a total war against Turkey.
A second challenge arose shortly after the beginning of these terrorist attacks. The Kurdistan Workers' Party, PKK, which was recognized as a terrorist organization by both the EU and the U.S., restarted its attacks in Turkey after announcing that it would end the ceasefire. The resolution process that included the direct talks between PKK and the Turkish state was effectively ended with this announcement.
Soon after its declaration, PKK launched terrorist attacks in major cities and city centres. In the 18-month period between July 2015 and January 2017, the group organized hundreds of terrorist attacks, some of which became the deadliest terrorist attacks in Turkish history. For instance, in an attack in downtown Ankara in the biggest local transportation hub, 37 people were killed and 125 people were injured. In an attack in downtown Istanbul at one of the biggest soccer fields in Turkey, 38 people were killed and 150 were injured.
A third challenge presented itself days after the most sophisticated terrorist attacks in Turkish history at the Istanbul airport. Turkey faced a coup attempt on July 15, 2016. Turkey had faced military coups d'état in its recent history. On average, every 10 years the military disturbed the political processes and organized a coup d'état. However, this time a group infiltrated through the military and security forces of Turkey and organized the deadliest and the most violent coup in Turkish history. Jet fighters belonging to the Turkish air force bombed the cities, the intelligence agency's headquarters, the headquarters of the special forces, the main telecommunications hub in the country, the Turkish Parliament building, and the presidential complex. While tanks ran over people in the streets of major cities, more than 250 were killed and more than 4,000 people were wounded. The coup attempt was halted by the very brave resistance of the Turkish people, who flowed to the streets of Turkey soon after the declaration of military takeover.
While Turkey was shocked by this unforeseen and unforgettable series of events, investigations shortly revealed that the organizers in the coup were mostly the members of the Gülen group. Members of the same group in the judiciary and police had organized a politically motivated operation against the elected Government of Turkey in late 2013, including the leak of a conversation between President Erdogan and his family members that had been obtained through illegal wiretaps.
Investigations into the events of the July 15 coup attempt revealed that the people who were leading the coup were mostly the civilian members of the group. According to witness accounts, indictments, and confessions, Adil Öksüz, a theological professor at a public university, was the person responsible for running the military operation on the night of the coup. A former police chief, who had been fired from public service because of his ties with the group, turned out to be running tanks in a military uniform that night. A businessman was taking care of target selection in the headquarters of the air forces. In fact, while people in Turkey were shocked by the violence, the state mechanism in Turkey was shocked by the internal blow it felt on the night of July 15. In the immediate aftermath of the coup attempt, the government declared a state of emergency in Turkey, with the support of all major parties.
The state of emergency tried to achieve the following: to stop another possible coup attempt by the same elements from different branches of the security forces; to regain the monopoly of the use of violence for the state; to cleanse the elements that could run a parallel state within the Turkish bureaucracy; to re-establish the order in various state bureaucracies; and to acquire the inter-agency coordination against the national security threats. Considering the rapid deterioration in the capability of the Turkish security forces following the cleansing of the elements that supported the coup attempt, the state felt more vulnerable to any form of terrorist attack and tried to halt further attack.
The threat of terrorism from the two most dangerous terrorist groups, together with the coup attempt, created a huge shock for the Turkish state. Since the beginning of the state of emergency, different government agencies tried to investigate the employees who have organizational relationships with the groups.
In the current state of Turkey, there are a lot of questions about the future of the political system. Despite concerns among some, I believe that, following the alleviation of these threats, the Turkish state will continue its journey of democratization. The sudden shock and trauma of the society and state will end with the finalization of the current investigations, for several reasons.
First, Turkey has a fast-growing middle class that espoused and embraced the democracy and democratization process. The fact that thousands of people from different ideologies and political views flowed to the streets on the night of July 15 demonstrated the willingness of the Turkish people to live in a democracy instead of in an authoritarian regime. The largest segment of this group is composed of youth who are educated and integrated into the world through different means, including social media. The surveys about youth also demonstrated a huge willingness to improve the political condition in the country. This group also includes women being rapidly empowered who have started to challenge, in recent months, not only draft legislation that generates any gender imbalance in Turkish laws, but also some religious interpretations that challenge the concept of gender equality. With such a vibrant society, it is very realistic to be optimistic about the future trajectory of Turkey.
Second, despite problems with the western allies, Turkey's government is very much committed to integration into the European Union. In the leaders' summit in Sofia last month, both sides expressed the determination and commitment for the integration process and continuation of the accession negotiations. This process will bring continuous compliance to the Copenhagen criteria.
Third, considering the possible violation of personal rights of the individuals after the coup, the government established a commission to oversee the decisions of the individual bureaucratic agencies. So far, 40,000 people have returned to their jobs and 350 foundations were re-established. In the meantime, the constitutional court of Turkey has also started to oversee individual petitions.
There is also the continuous commitment to recognize the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. Following the termination of domestic remedies, any case regarding violations of human rights can be brought to this court, and the decision of the court will overrule the decision of the Turkish courts. In one of these latest cases, both the constitutional court and the European Court of Human Rights decided that the right of personal liberty, security, and freedom of expression of two journalists were violated under the European Convention on Human Rights. The court urged Turkey to take necessary measures for the termination of pretrial detention and also held that Turkey was to pay 21,000 euros in non-pecuniary charges.
Finally, at a more practical level, democracy has been an important element within Turkey's economic dynamism and growth in recent years. Turkey is a G20 country without any oil or natural gas. It depends on economic activities such as trade, tourism, and foreign direct investment. Considering the significance of the rule of law and property rights for the flow of foreign direct investment and investors' confidence in the Turkish economy, the government will be sensitive to the economic repercussions of any decisions following this transition process.
At this critical juncture, what can Turkey's NATO allies, including Canada, do? Considering the critical security situation—