Good afternoon, and thank you for this opportunity.
Inter Pares is an Ottawa-based international social justice organization, and we have been working with people from Burma for over 20 years, often with significant support from the Government of Canada.
Today I will build on some of the really great testimony that you have already heard and make four recommendations before my colleague Kevin shares information about the camps.
When studying the human rights situation for the Rohingya, it's important to look at the bigger picture. Decades of military rule and active combat, as well as extensive control over resources and information, have been devastating. Burma's dictators had a vision: to build one nation, with one race and one religion. Propaganda has nurtured prejudice against people of different ethnicities and religions.
Approximately 40% of the population are not Burman. They identity as ethnic nationalities. These people live in areas where conflict has raged in a desperate attempt by the military to control the people.
While Aung San Suu Kyi has led a democracy movement that most of us are familiar with, the parallel struggle for ethnic people to have control over their own lives, their struggle for a federal democracy, is less understood. The new NLD—National League for Democracy—government took office last month, but behind the scenes, the military still has a firm grip on much of the country. Progress towards peace, towards freedom of religion, and towards a decentralized state is slow and stumbling. There are legitimate fears about the political will of the NLD, and there are significant constraints put upon them by the military-drafted constitution. Within this context, the systematic oppression of the Rohingya has been extreme.
Historically, the government and military have played a role in stoking people's fears and provoking anger against Rohingya. In recent years, these efforts have broadened to target all Muslims in Burma. There is a particular case with the Rohingya, though, and in part it stems from a fear that using the name “Rohingya” will lead to recognizing them as an ethnicity. In turn, this will come with special rights and may lead to a demand for a state of their own. This fear is not founded on any loud movement of Rohingya calling for a state of their own. It is hypothetical, but in Burma today, land is an extremely contentious issue.
In Burma, Rohingya are predominantly seen as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, though, Rohingya are seen as illegal immigrants from Burma.
When the NLD talks about the importance of the rule of law and appoints a former major general as the minister of immigration, they are signalling to some that they intend to crack down on “illegal Bengalis”. When people are talking about nationalist movements, such as the so-called “Buddhist” movements or the Arakan National Party, they are speaking of the desire to maintain current citizenship laws and to expel Rohingya.
I ask you, as members of Parliament, to imagine the predicament of Burma's MPs, chosen by an electorate that is, at best, ignorant of the plight of the Rohingya. There is value in loud external pressure when the pressure doesn't come from within your riding. The louder it is, the easier it would be for them to take a stand. Canada needs to play this role.
Our recommendations are that, one, Canada must use the name Rohingya publicly and often. The right to self-identify should not be controversial. This comes at a risk, but we cannot be complicit.
Two, Canada must help the new government by publicly pushing for changes to the citizenship law and the constitution.
Three, Canada must ensure engagement is balanced. Support this new government, be critical of the military, and support ethnic civil society.
Four, Canada should welcome Rohingya refugees who are being held in detention centres in Malaysia.
Kevin, go ahead.