As you may know, the military, since Chávez, became its own kind of arm of the government.
Even with the modification of the constitution in Venezuela in 1999, the national army in Venezuela became independent from civil power. You may also note that in Venezuela we have 23 states, and 21 of them are occupied today by ex-army people. We have maybe 3,000 or 4,000 people in places of leadership in the public service, and maybe 3,000 people who occupy these hierarchical positions today are military.
Venezuela today is not a civil country conducted by a civil population. It's a country conducted by people from the army. That's why there is huge complicity—complicity between the army and the government in order to protect the government. That's why there is a lot of news about public authorities that many of the generals, many of the main people from the army, have been involved in narcotics and in a lot of crimes. That's why now the world is talking about Venezuela like it's a pariah state, a falling state.
When you have such complicity between crime and the protection of human rights, and between the power and a lot of criminal situations, it's not possible to have an army that just complies with the constitution that, by the way, points out and establishes the duty of the army to protect the integrity, the sovereignty, and the democracy of Venezuela.