Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I'm appearing on behalf of the Free Trade Lumber Council.
I'm pleased to appear before the committee as it deliberates over the implementation of the softwood lumber agreement. I want to express my personal gratitude for the scheduling adjustment that made it possible for me to appear. I know it took the cooperation and interest of all parties, and I'm participating today very much in that spirit.
I recognize that substantial exhaustion has taken over the softwood lumber file. There's a strong desire to believe the battle's over. Do be careful: it isn't over. Just last week the Coalition for Fair Lumber Imports told a U.S. court that it is certain there will be more litigation, and not necessarily in the distant future.
It's important that this legislation not only stabilizes but also strengthens the Canadian industry. I believe it can. Failure to strengthen the industry could haunt this Parliament beyond tonight's Hallowe'en.
The softwood lumber agreement--as initialled on July 1, signed on September 12, and even as amended on October 12--does not include a tax on refunds of cash deposits illegally collected on softwood lumber by the United States since May 2002. This money has earned interest, but while being held, not invested, importers of record could not choose to remove it from the United States. It has lost very considerable value because of an appreciating Canadian dollar.
The decision to settle the softwood lumber dispute with the United States, when it was taken and the manner it was pursued, was a government decision, not an industry decision. In light of the very significant financial losses suffered by the industry caused by the dispute, which the government broadly has acknowledged in its defence of the settlement, the government could have elected to waive all taxes of these refunds, including income taxes. After all, the settlement of the softwood lumber dispute was not supposed to be a revenue opportunity for the federal and provincial governments, and there's nothing in the agreement that requires any taxation of refunds.
The interest accumulated is much less than the loss in currency exchange, which was entirely beyond the control of the companies. The return of the principal is arguably not taxable income at all, merely the return of funds already belonging to the companies. Whatever tax treatment there is to be, Parliament should be conscious that there is nothing in the agreement about taxes on refunds. The decision to tax the refunds thus is independent of any legislative requirements to implement the softwood lumber agreement.
Bill C-24, in my view, contains at least one serious problem with reference to the tax on refunds--namely, accepting that the refunds apparently are to be garnished and taxed. The background to the tax is important for appreciating why I believe there's a problem.
The policy decision to impose a special charge appears to have been reached for two reasons: first, to assure that Canadian taxpayers, other than those in the softwood lumber business, would not have to fund any of the $1 billion guaranteed payment to the United States that is in the agreement; and second, to punish those companies that declined the government's offer of advance payment on refunds, preferring to wait for the United States to return cash deposits with interest.
According to the original plan in the agreement before it was amended, companies electing to participate in the EDC advance payment program would surrender to EDC approximately 20% of the funds due them. With participation of companies holding rights to 95% of the total returns due, the 20% premium to be paid would have funded in its entirety the $1 billion guaranteed payment.
Two problems arose. First, there was some grumbling about so-called free riders, those companies that would not receive advance payments but also would not contribute to the $1 billion payment. There was virtually no acknowledgment in these discussions that the EDC participants were striking a bargain, getting their money back more quickly in exchange for a fee. Instead, focus was on companies preferring to deal directly with the United States for their refunds.
It appears that some of the concern about fairness developed when it became apparent that EDC might not deliver funds much more quickly than the United States. But substantial EDC payments were made yesterday, comfortably ahead of schedule, which should dispose of that concern.
A further concern seemed to develop when it was understood that accrued interest on funds coming from EDC would stop on October 1 under the terms in the softwood lumber agreement, but that non-EDC participants would receive interest accrued up to the day their customs entries were liquidated. That concern also should be eliminated, for under U.S. law there can be a lag of no more than 30 days between the cessation of interest accrual and the payment of refunds. With the first EDC payment yesterday, 30 days after October 1, treatment would appear to be no more favourable on interest for the non-EDC participants.
Second, the government did not obtain participating pledges from holders of 95% of the refunds due. The October 12 amendments solved the problem of removing the related condition precedent, but not the problem of funding the $1 billion; hence, the special charge seems to have been conceived as a way to make the companies not participating in the EDC program nevertheless fund the $1 billion. Nothing, to my knowledge, was said about the reverse fairness that these companies electing to wait for refunds on a schedule determined by the United States without advances would be taxed anyway, thereby with no benefit.
The concept underlying the special charge, therefore, was to tax only the companies not participating in the EDC program, however fair or appropriate Parliament would think that might be, but that is not how Bill C-24 is drafted. The draft makes everyone pay the special charge. Moreover, the bill forbids refund of the tax to anyone, including EDC program participants.
The problem occurs because of drafting in two places, perhaps three.
Subclause 18(1) defines “specified person” to mean “a person that filed the documents and information required under the applicable United States law in respect of the importation of any softwood lumber product into the United States during the period beginning on May 22, 2002 and ending on September 30, 2006.” That definition effectively includes all importers of record of softwood lumber.
Subclause 18(3) imposes the special charge on all specified persons who receive a refund.
Subclause 18(4) then states: “The charge under subsection (3) is payable by the specified person even if the refund is issued to a designate of the specified person.” “Designate” is the term used for the escrow funds, so all importers of record, without exception--including, incidentally, non-Canadians not resident in Canada, whom importers from this legislation cannot lawfully reach--must pay the special charge. There are no exceptions. The EDC participants will have returned to them only about 82% of the refunds plus interest owed. On the money refunded to them, they will also pay the special charge, that is, they will pay the special charge in addition to the 18% they do not receive when they receive their payment from EDC.
The public promise from the government has been that these importers of record would receive refunds of the special charge, but clause 39 states: “Except as specifically provided under this Act or the Financial Administration Act, no person has a right to recover any money paid to Her Majesty in right of Canada as or on account of, or that has been taken into account by Her Majesty in right of Canada as, an amount payable under this Act.”
Nowhere in the act, and hence nowhere as “specifically provided under this act”, is there a provision for the refund of any funds collected under the special charge.
There's broad discretion in the Financial Administration Act, but it would take very creative and potentially controversial interpretation to construe any of it as “specifically providing for refunds of taxes” mandated in a law that postdates that act.
Paul Robertson testified before this committee last week that the solution to the problem is to be found in the Financial Administration Act, but he didn't say where or how. We might speculate, looking into the Financial Administration Act, at subsection 20(2), except that the language, “purpose that is not fulfilled”, might be hard to square with collecting enough money to fund the $1 billion; or perhaps in section 22, except that the discretion there would conflict with the “specially provided” language in Bill C-24.
Most likely the discretion is in subsection 23(2), which authorizes the Governor in Council to “remit any tax or penalty...where the Governor in Council considers that the collection of the tax...is unreasonable or unjust”.
Still, without an adjustment in the phrase “specifically provided” in Bill C-24, the mandate to “remit any tax or penalty” in the Financial Administration Act would not appear to reach a tax imposed later, for which there is no special provision, in fact, in the Financial Administration Act.
And there's a question of fairness—the very basis of the mandate in that act. EDC participants entered a bargain for early payment; others accepted potentially later payment and therefore declined the bargain. Rhetoric about free riders notwithstanding, it's not obvious that reliance on a clause about fairness would authorize remittance to one group and not the other. There is no other apparent rationale for these taxes, which cumulatively will exceed the $1 billion owed the United States.
In an effort to gain acceptance for the agreement, carrots and sticks were brandished like medieval weapons, but always with the common assumption that the refunds were to fund the $1 billion promised to the United States.
Buy why? When asked about loan guarantees, the government said the EDC could afford to advance all the money owed the industry, so presumably the government has other sources to fulfill its pledge.
Why not embrace the simplest and best solution to the writing of Bill C-24, to embrace the principle of no new taxes? Delete clause 18 in its entirety and use the Financial Administration Act not to create refunds on dubious authority but to waive the income taxes on the basis of authority indisputably there. The only tax this bill ought to require is the export tax required by the softwood lumber agreement.
I want to quickly address two other points. Mr. Robertson, when he appeared before this committee one week ago, acknowledged that individual companies have no recourse to the dispute settlement mechanism and that the mechanism was not designed to address any of their concerns.
Last spring, not long before the initialling of basic terms on April 27, the United States Department of Commerce illegally modified the scope of the products covered by the anti-dumping and countervailing duties to include end-matched lumber. The Department of Commerce rejected the request of private companies for a review of this illegal scope determination. Subsequently, this amended scope became part of the agreement and is now part of Bill C-24 in two different places, pertaining both to the special charge and to the export tax.
We consider the inclusion of this product an error, and I'm setting out here how to fix it. I'm also indicating why it's particularly important to do so. The two companies most affected requested NAFTA panel review. The two governments, Canada and the United States, have failed to fulfill their NAFTA obligations and have not named panellists. The NAFTA secretariat, failing to meet its obligation to name panellists from the rosters when the governments failed to name them, has neither acted nor responded to pleadings.
There is a cure available in Bill C-24 for this problem—