Thank you very much.
Good morning, Mr. Chair, and members of the committee.
My name is Angelo DiCaro. I am a national representative and the lead trade policy researcher with Unifor, Canada's largest private sector union.
Unifor represents 315,000 workers across Canada in nearly every major sector of the economy including manufacturing, communications, resources, and services.
On behalf of our national president, Jerry Dias, I want to thank this committee for the invitation to once again appear before you and for also accommodating my participation today. There's certainly a lot to discuss regarding how a potential agreement with Mercosur fits within Canada's overall trade strategy. I will be as brief and direct as I can.
I want to make two points. The first is macroeconomic. I think it's worth noting some of the broader trends in Canada's merchandise trade with Mercosur. For starters, overall exports from Canada to Mercosur have declined over the past decade by about 26%. At the same time, there's been a sizable increase in imports from Mercosur to Canada, with imports nearly doubling in value since 2008. One of the stated objectives in proposing an FTA with Mercosur is to diversify Canada's trade and explore export opportunities away from the United States. While tactical, it's also important to acknowledge that North America is still the proverbial centre of gravity for Canada's trade policy. The lion's share of our trade is still within the NAFTA zone, and there are still many open questions for key industries in Canada—particularly in the auto sector—that are still to be resolved as part of the NAFTA renegotiation. What we don't need is Canada committing to a trade agreement in the spirit of diversification only to exacerbate excessive one-way import flows and actually do little to boost exports. I think in this case Korea is a cautionary tale for Canada.
The second point I want to make is that in the context of Mercosur, Canada has signalled its desire to advance its so-called progressive trade agenda, or PTA, with a trade partner that appears willing to engage. Even though the PTA remains a bit of an enigma to the those of us who are following it closely, the desire to do this is certainly welcome news. However, I think it's important to remember that, despite advanced thinking on progressive issues among Mercosur nations, the original conception of the customs union was entirely silent on labour and social conditions—not unlike the original NAFTA.
Any advancements that were made since its inception in 1991, particularly on labour conditions, have come in the form of structural institutions developed in the framework of the accord but not found in the accord itself. These advancements were a response to mass social unrest and public protest, and that includes the development of the 1998 social-labour declaration within Mercosur. There is strong, aspirational language within that declaration but its conditions remain non-binding and unenforceable. This has been the target of lasting criticism among many progressive organizations. It's unclear whether or not the nations of Mercosur have signalled the willingness to expand their level of ambition regarding social clauses in trade agreements. Brazil, we know, has historically been a vocal opponent of this approach.
If Mercosur's own intramarket ambitions reflect their negotiating mandate, then that would appear to be out of step with Canada's own approach in current free trade talks, notably within NAFTA and the Pacific Alliance. In fact, it would put Mercosur out of step with the level of ambition expressed by countries like Mexico, and that's quite concerning.
Canada must not misinterpret Mercosur's stated willingness to advance progressive ideas. In our view, a truly progressive approach must include, among other factors, clear and unequivocal protections on public interest regulation, full protection for the delivery of current and future public services, and strong and binding social clauses.
In closing, it's important that Canada clarify its desired outcomes and underscore its overarching principles in these Mercosur talks, and this must extend beyond matters of market access. We're glad that Canada has committed to conduct various economic and social impact assessments, but we also need those assessments done immediately, before talks start in earnest. Done independently, these will help provide a careful assessment of our total objectives to trade, and a clear articulation of our principles. This should inform our approach to Mercosur talks, whether and how we should proceed.
Thank you very much, and I'm happy to take any questions.