I wouldn't go so far as to talk about parity of certain auto rights, but on the other pieces you're absolutely right. We've been talking a lot about the auto rules as they relate to labour, talking a little about the Mexican annex that was negotiated to deal with the issues that Hector raised on protection contracts and all that, but the chapter itself is fundamentally different in a lot of areas from what we had in the previous NAFTA. It's a sea change, covering stronger, wider-reaching obligations for the parties. Those obligations not only refer to core standards like collective bargaining and freedom of association, but freedom of association also has a connection to the right to strike, which is again a remarkable inclusion into this deal that appears as a clarifying footnote.
As you say, there are provisions on gender equality, on worker violence and, for the first time, on migrant workers moving across borders. I think you're seeing an attempt to hear a lot of the concerns on NAFTA's failings that have been raised over the past 30 years and address those in kind.
Do I think it could have gone much further? I think so; I think there are areas. As with anything, we can do that, but when you look at it in isolation, when you look at the labour chapter as it stands now, with its connection to dispute settlement, which we've never had before, and fixing a lot of the terms that have proven to be effectively useless through dispute settlement rulings—because now some of the labour provisions are carbon copies of the trans-Pacific partnership labour terms—this deal corrects about 75% of that. So much of this is better than what we had that I think it's certainly going to bring us down a different path going forward.