Thank you so much.
Chair Fuhr, vice-chairs, distinguished members of the committee and my fellow ambassadors, I am truly honoured to take part in this briefing session on regional security, especially in this format along with my colleagues and good friends from Georgia and Ukraine. I am particularly glad that all the three heads of diplomatic missions have been invited to address the esteemed members of the defence committee and share some of our thoughts and reflections on the regional security that directly affects our countries.
I view this briefing in the current composition, first of all, as yet another testament to Canada’s growing concern over regional security in eastern Europe, and as a confirmation that Canada recognizes the commonality of the legacy of the past of all the three countries, of the challenges and threats posed to their independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and their common aspirations. Not least, I would like to see this as a sign that Canada is seriously considering a common approach towards supporting our three countries in addressing these threats.
Mr. Chair, my country, the Republic of Moldova, is deeply concerned about a serious deterioration of the international security environment, which we all feel so closely and which reminds us of the sad times of the Cold War. We all face a great deal of serious, older and newer challenges and threats to our common security that undermine peace, stability and the rules-based world order, and hinder countries’ development.
The Republic of Moldova, by its geographical position, is an integral part of the security architecture of the Black Sea region, an area of interest for a number of regional and international actors. Security in this part of Europe is influenced by the existence of the frozen or protracted conflicts in Georgia and Moldova, as well as by an ongoing war in Ukraine.
Transnistria makes up 11% of Moldova’s territory, where about 40% of the country’s industry is concentrated. Abkhazia and South Ossetia make up 20% of Georgia’s sovereign territory. Eight heavily industrialized southeastern regions of Luhansk and Donetsk, along with Crimea, together make up over 20% of Ukraine’s GDP and population.
I brought these figures to show how much is at stake for the countries that chose to pursue their path to democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration free of external coercion and pressure.
Of course, the level and scale of intensity of the territorial conflicts in each of our countries could differ in various periods of time, but the pattern applied is common. Separatist movements are being encouraged from outside of our countries. The breakaway regions are being strongly supported economically, financially and militarily. The fact that an active phase of the Transnistrian conflict ended by reaching a ceasefire agreement in July 1992 does not mean that it cannot degenerate into armed hostilities when needed. The conflict has remained unresolved for 28 years. Today, contrary to the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova, over 1,700 Russian troops are stationed in the eastern region of my country and over 20 thousand tons of arms and ammunition remaining from the former Soviet 14th army are stockpiled in the region, posing a serious threat to regional security.
As you are well aware, we have addressed these issues consistently and repeatedly in the framework of the highest international fora, including the UN and OSCE, as this problem does not include exclusively the Republic of Moldova. It affects the entire region, the Black Sea countries and the European continent.
Instead of disarming the separatist forces and withdrawing the Russian troops stationed illegally on our territory, in accordance with Russia's international commitments, the region is being continuously militarized with an increase in the capacity to produce and modernize weapons, assault-armoured military equipment and Grad artillery systems. This was clearly demonstrated last September at the Transnistrian military parade.
In this context, I would like to draw your attention to the continuous supply of these forces with modern technology and conventional weapons beyond any control of the international community. Russia continues to offer, on a large scale, Russian passports and to recruit local population for its troops stationed in the region.
I take this opportunity to voice our concerns about the recent intensification of the joint military exercises conducted by the Russian troops, along with the paramilitary forces of the Transnistrian separatist regime. During 2017 alone, over 320 training military activities were carried out in the region.
This year the number grew considerably. Activities of this kind are being recorded almost daily, with crossings of the Dniester River during the exercise advancing towards the capital city of Moldova; military exercises with the use of artillery systems; and elements of tactical training engaging diversion groups, reconnaissance personnel, snipers, etc. The last major exercise included the mobilization of the entire force.
We perceive these actions as a direct threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my country. At the same time, these exercises are likely to create new tensions in the region in the context of the crisis in Ukraine.
We are also worried about the ongoing activities of the Transnistrian regime aimed at increasing the number of military education institutions specializing in such areas as infantry, tank and artillery education activities for land forces, and craftsmen of propaganda.
Additionally, during 2017 two cadet schools with a capacity of 500 students, aged 11 plus, were opened in the region, both founded with the direct support of the Russian defence ministry and the former Russian deputy prime minister Dmitry Rogozin, declared by my government to be persona non grata on our territory. Nowadays graduates of these institutions are active military personnel of the Transnistrian paramilitary structures and officers of the Russian troops stationed on our territory.
That being said, we are firmly committed to continuing our efforts aimed at finding a comprehensive and sustainable political solution to the conflict within the existing five-plus-two negotiating format, which includes the Russian Federation, Ukraine and the OSCE as mediators, plus the EU and the U.S. as observers. These major international actors have all the potential to achieve this goal, that of granting a special status to the Transnistrian region based on the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldova within its internationally recognized borders, as is stipulated in the relevant international documents.
I am glad to note a positive dynamic in the process of negotiations that views particularly confidence-building measures in the context of small-step policy. Parties to the conflict have worked hard lately, being focused on resolving the daily problems faced by the population in the conflict zone—in particular, issues related to ensuring the rights to education, property, free movement, etc.
We will continue to advocate both within the UN, OSCE and now the international fora, but also in the framework of a bilateral political dialogue with the Russian Federation in favour of a complete and unconditional withdrawal of the Russian troops and ammunition from our territory. We will continue to stand up for the transformation of the current peacekeeping operation on the Dniester River into a multinational civilian mission under international mandate.
Ladies and gentlemen, to interfere in the course of development of a state, no war is needed today. It is enough to have the ability to influence its politics by using various means of persuasion, misinformation and manipulation, and cyber-attacks; by corrupting officials and using all sorts of sophisticated schemes of money laundering; by imposing economic embargos and by meddling in the election processes. This is how I describe the current challenges posed to my country. They are also relevant to Georgia and Ukraine to a large extent and we are not ready to counter these hybrid threats.
Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine have all signed association agreements with the EU, which provide a clear road map for closer political association and full economic integration with the European Union. They have chosen a western model as their development and security option, which would, in effect, fully anchor them in the western space of democratic values.
Looking specifically at Ukraine and Moldova, the two neighbouring countries, they can't be treated separately from each other. Only together will they succeed in becoming genuinely European or they will fail by being turned into a grey area. This is due to their geopolitical and geographic proximity, as you may see on the map provided. Better governance, economic opportunities, justice reform and the fight against corruption should be the cornerstones of western strategy for these states.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel put the crisis in Ukraine in a wider context of Russian interference in eastern Europe, accusing Russia of creating instability, not only in eastern Ukraine but also in Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan and Armenia. She said, “There is a belt of countries that cannot develop as they want. In the face of this, we cannot close our eyes as Germans.” I am confident Canada fully shares this view.
Thank you.