I had a three-level answer to that question in mind, all in rising cost. The first level is this committee. I left you a copy of my MA thesis on the role of the defence committee in 1994 in shaping defence policy. Most analysis will credit that as being the gold standard in defence reviews. Why was that? It was that for several reasons.
The Minister of National Defence and Prime Minister Chrétien said they would seriously listen to this committee's report, and they studiously kept quiet on defence issues for the seven months it was running, so they didn't lead the committee. That's point one.
Point two, it was a virtually unanimous response. The Liberals and the Reform signed off on the report. The NDP I don't think had party status at the time, and the Bloc was onside. Suddenly, out of Quebec City came this direction to dissent. People just knew they were forced into a corner. But that provided a very powerful role to the minister to say, when they started to make serious cuts in 1994, that they had consulted with Canadians and were listening to Parliament. These were painful cuts, but even defence didn't howl, because it was part of an honest process.
The next point about the committee is that they didn't go on a shopping trip or a cutting trip. Instead, they did analysis. They had serious discussions, and when they talked money, they were credible. When they talked about buying this or getting rid of that, it was based on strong logic.
Finally, there was a serious follow-up, because what this had created was a panel of parliamentarians who could go back to their constituents and talk credibly, using what they'd learned, to the public about why defence is needed and the like. This was a superb model. I was delighted that this committee and the Senate committee decided to return to their jobs in doing the defence review as the special panel did. You don't want to ask me my views on the special panel.
The next thing is to spend $2 million a year on the STF program, about which I will not run on any more.
The third thing is, how does Australia explain to its public it's going to spend $30 billion on 12 submarines when the previous $6 billion were a—can I use the word “disaster”?— as a procurement. They spent probably $2 million on the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, and the navy needed its Sea Power Centre. These are non-partisan, staffed by six or seven Ph.D. candidates who don't trot out the government line but do analysis. For example, if you want a detailed look at whether your country should build destroyers or not, you cannot do better than to look at the ASPI study. They have experts who say this is madness and experts who say this is the most brilliant program in history. However, there's a debate.
More importantly, what happens is their media responds, because they know that if a reporter makes an ill-considered comment on defence the odds are extremely good that one of 12 incredibly competent defence academics is going to rip his heart out. What does that result in? Before reporters open their mouths on a complex topic like shipbuilding, they check in with the Australian Strategic Policy Institute to ask whether they are on to something or not.
Those are my bullets for engaging and explaining to Canadians.