The corruption issue is of course a symptom of this Putinist rent-seeking system that underlies it and that kept everybody in line. While we've had a change of the senior political elite, much of the rest of that state establishment is still very much in place. Changing that culture will be difficult, but the challenge is that the gains on democratization will be lost if the legitimacy of the regime and the bureaucracy and its impartiality are lost. It is a poignant question because it is ultimately what some of the deepest concerns are to the average Ukrainian.
There's a carrot and stick approach here. The support that Canada provides has to tie more explicitly into ensuring that Ukraine does the right thing. Whether prosecuting people necessarily is the right thing, I'm not sure, but certainly, I think, one of the quickest ways to move through the system is a renewal of the entire state structure. It's moving some of the senior levels out, retiring them out, because there are many very competent younger Ukrainians, including my colleague, who are willing to step into that fray, and the old senior folks are very much trying to protect their turf. We know what some of this looks like because we saw some of this, for instance—not entirely comparable—in Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement, and what a complete renewal of much of the civil service looks like and how it can be done.
At the same time, it's the continued training, and Canada has a lot of expertise in this. We're, for instance, helping Mexico as it moves to a more adversarial system. Canada has a lot of training in the professionalization of the judiciary, of the independence of investigations. We'll never be able to do this by ourselves. These are not areas where Canada is ever going to go in and do something on its own, but there is real opportunity to do more with the European Union and to be a more aggressive part of the strategy that the European Union has devised in that regard. I would say the European Union has a very robust strategy. I would also submit that this strategy is readily saleable to Canadians, while the military mission will always be inherently controversial. Anti-corruption efforts and the broader strategy of engaging with the Ukrainian civil service is something that most Canadians would say is exactly what we should be doing, exactly where we have comparative advantage as a country that doesn't have an immediate ulterior motive.