I am.
Good morning. Thank you, Chair and members of the committee, for the opportunity to appear today.
I have been studying military sexual violence, which is the all-encompassing term I prefer to use in my work, for nearly two decades. Like Mr. Drapeau, I've seen, through this work, the importance of moving cases of sexual violence outside of the internal justice system, not only for the Canadian Armed Forces but for other armed forces.
I'll remind you that the military was given its own justice system because it's set to hold itself to a higher standard than the civilian context. Given that we have now had decades of high levels of sexual crimes and low levels of accountability, I think it's clear that this rationale for an internal system is no longer valid. I congratulate and support Bill C-11. I am encouraged to see the proposals and the ongoing efforts to address sexual violence.
The measures outlined in this bill reflect long-standing recommendations that come from decades of advocacy and research. Moving cases of sexual violence to the civilian justice system has been called for repeatedly. It was a key recommendation of the Deschamps report in 2015, the Fish report and the 2022 Arbour review.
Another essential element is the new appointment process of four select senior CAF leaders. This change is especially important. As we saw in 2021, when 12 senior members of the Canadian Armed Forces were facing allegations of sexual misconduct, including two chiefs of the defence forces, it became nearly impossible to understand who was meant to investigate or prosecute these cases. The current structure, where the chief of the defence staff appoints the provost marshal and many other senior officers, creates conditions where conflicts of interest are unavoidable. These aren't political appointments; they are integrity measures to ensure that the system is capable of holding its most senior members accountable.
While I welcome these important steps, I want to underscore that this bill represents only one piece of the puzzle. Addressing sexual violence in the Canadian Armed Forces requires attention to broader issues, as has been raised, including systemic racism, sexism and other forms of entrenched discrimination.
It's also important to apply a critical eye to claims of progress. I would say that it's a generous interpretation to say that 36 of the 48 recommendations made by Justice Arbour have been fully implemented. Many of these are better described as under way or implemented in spirit, rather than to the letter. There are still no clear guidelines on what happens when victims go to the Canadian Human Rights Commission, and there has been limited attention to how that body will be resourced to handle potential new cases.
Promises of culture change sit alongside evidence of ongoing systemic racism, sexism and misogyny, which often manifests in online CAF communities. Culture change may be incremental, but it cannot take forever. For the last three decades, we have had many senior leaders talk about the time that will be needed to make these changes. It simply cannot take forever.
I also want to remind the committee that the Justice Fish report in 2021 reiterated many of Justice Deschamps' 2015 recommendations, which, as she herself noted, largely gathered dust for too long. This pattern of delay undermines confidence.
From my own research, I've seen how institutions use narrative to manage scandal. The problem is acknowledged and reforms are announced, yet the structural barriers to justice persist.
It's important to note that from research, approximately 80% of victims of military sexual violence never report. Many who do report experience retraumatization through long trials, institutional resistance and cases that end without conviction. In some of the Canadian Armed Forces high-profile cases, we even see alleged perpetrators countersuing. This pattern has a chilling effect and reinforces the perception, to victims, that accountability is elusive.
As I often emphasize in my work, we need to pay attention to the full life cycle of military sexual violence: the environment that fosters it, including military culture, hierarchy, racism and tolerance of misconduct; the incident itself, including how data are collected, how victims report and whether they have access to information and support; and finally, the response, which includes the justice process, the accountability for perpetrators and adequate restitution and care for survivors. This bill addresses one vital piece of that life cycle but without equal focus on the others, especially prevention and cultural transformation, we risk another cycle of partial reform.
I commend the committee for taking this step. I urge you to ensure this implementation is treated as one piece of a larger puzzle and that this process is guided by data, transparency and survivor-centred principles.
Thank you.
