Actually, this one of the reasons we justify changing the performance measure we've been using. As I said, if we were to go with what was put in place in 2003—4.4%—we're very close to meeting that objective, because that was based on people who declared voluntarily on their application for immigration that they knew French.
First of all, we know there's a bit of inflation on what people declare as their actual proficiency. In the immigration program, there's only one category for whom we measure objectively with tests, the knowledge of French or English, and that's the skilled workers, that's the economic class. The table you refer to refers to the economic class.
So when you look at more reliable measures and see the percentage of immigrants who had French as their first official language—their mother tongue may be different, but French was their first official language—you can see that in 2002, based on our data, it was 75%, and in 2004 it was 89%.
There may be some danger with the 2002 figure, because 2002 was the year when our new act came into force. and It was also the year when we started to use objective testing for all immigrants. So the data for 2002 may be reflecting a higher preponderance of “French as first official language” proficiency than is actually the case when you measure objectively.
What we mean by that is that when you come under family class, we don't measure your language proficiency. When you come as a refugee, we don't measure your proficiency. The only category that we really know, because we test with objective, standard tests, is the economic class of skilled workers.