Let me finish, sir. I have my five minutes.
Then you define “assisted suicide”, but there's no reference to euthanasia, which is covered by Carter, so there is an omission in your definition.
Then you define the term “grievous”, which is a term that we're wrestling with in this committee. You limit that term to “at the end of life”. Carter has never said that grievous has to be at the end of life. You limit the concept of grievous to the end of life, while Carter does not include that very specific criterion in its decision.
Later on, on informed consent, you include the test of the reasonable patient and what a reasonable patient would decide in the same circumstances. Carter never imposed that test in its decision.
Then you go on with the test of quality of life, in which the element of personal suffering is not mentioned. It is a key element in Carter. I quote:
...causes enduring suffering that is intolerable to the individual in the circumstances of his or her condition...
It is the person who decides, not the average man placed in the same condition, because the element of subjectivity is important in that decision.
Finally, you judicialize the decision by establishing a review board. Judicializing that decision means that you open any decision to litigation in court.
In my opinion before this committee, venturing in that direction is a very important decision, because it totally changes the relationship with the doctors. How many doctors is immaterial, you know, but you are now in a review board, in a litigation process, and that review board is subject to the surveillance and control of the Supreme Court in Ontario and the Superior Court in Quebec.
Therefore, I have some problems with your template. There are good elements in it, but at first sight, in my reading of it, my first objective is to at least satisfy Carter. Then the Parliament of Canada can decide if it wants to increase the rights, because the Charter of Rights represents a limit. Parliament can increase those rights, and we have increased the rights in Parliament on many occasions.
Second, Parliament has the right to decide if a criminal offence is no longer a criminal offence. When Parliament decriminalized homosexuality in 1968, it decided that it was no longer an offence. There are elements in the issue of physician-assisted death that could be decriminalized by Parliament if the will of Parliament is to do so.
That's why I don't think we should approach this issue with the elements of judicialization that would put it below Carter and, in fact, make the decision much more complex for the average Canadian caught up in suffering that is intolerable to an individual who wants to put an end to it because it is grievous or irremediable.