Evidence of meeting #5 for Public Safety and National Security in the 39th Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was evidence.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Lorne Waldman  Barrister and Solicitor, As an Individual
Craig Forcese  Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa, As an Individual
Maureen Basnicki  Founder Director, Canadian Coalition Against Terror
Ziyaad Mia  Former Board Member, Chair of the Advocacy and Research Committee, Canadian Muslim Lawyers Association
Warren Allmand  Member of Steering Committee, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group
Roch Tassé  Coordinator, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group

10:50 a.m.

Bloc

Serge Ménard Bloc Marc-Aurèle-Fortin, QC

My question was more precise: could the judge use it? Your answer is as clear as possible: no, he could not make use of it.

On the other hand, you understand that security agencies try to gather information on the threats against us. I think you understand clearly the difference between the role of security agencies and the role of police. Police look for evidence to lay charges. Security services look not only for evidence but also for clues. They make assumptions in order to measure the danger and take measures in order to ensure these dangers do not become reality.

Do you understand that under such circumstances security services, in trying to prevent terrorist actions, might use such information, if only to maintain under surveillance individuals who are here or else to advance their investigations?

10:50 a.m.

Former Board Member, Chair of the Advocacy and Research Committee, Canadian Muslim Lawyers Association

Ziyaad Mia

I appreciate the question, Monsieur Ménard. I think what you're referring to would in the evidence world be derivative evidence: if I torture the heck out of you and you tell me something, and I can't use that evidence but it leads me to something else—the secondary, derivative evidence.

10:50 a.m.

Bloc

Serge Ménard Bloc Marc-Aurèle-Fortin, QC

Exactly.

10:50 a.m.

Former Board Member, Chair of the Advocacy and Research Committee, Canadian Muslim Lawyers Association

Ziyaad Mia

I am opposed to that for a number of reasons. First of all, the analog in the criminal law and in the charter jurisprudence, and even in the United States under the Bill of Rights, is that derivative evidence is not allowed, because then effectively you let police or security agencies or whatever they are break the law, since they know they can still get what they want indirectly. They'll torture you and they won't use the primary evidence, but they'll still get the fruits.

I think the U.S. coined the term, “fruits of the poisoned tree”. We don't take the fruits of the poisoned tree, because the source is wrong. If we want to discourage the use of torture to derive evidence, the best way to do that is really to say, if you play this game, none of it is getting in. You snuff it out right there.

I know there's been some academic dancing around this, with Mr. Dershowitz starting to make this a sexy topic—to talk about torture—but it doesn't work. He's fundamentally wrong as a lawyer I think because we all know that except in some rare circumstances, torture gives unreliable evidence—we've seen that in the Arar case—and it is fundamentally immoral; and third, it's impractical, because I think what we end up doing.... The whole torture debate in the United States, as we've seen in the war on terror, is that when we start to break the moral and legal rules of the world, we send the signal to others to start doing those things. I think that's why we need to draw the line.

10:50 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

You have half a minute left.

10:50 a.m.

Bloc

Serge Ménard Bloc Marc-Aurèle-Fortin, QC

I understand all of that and I agree with you. However, you must admit that there can be, under such circumstances, information that, once it has been found, is of such a nature that one can be convinced it is true.

I understand your point of view and recognize that it should not be used as evidence to detain somebody. However, do you understand that security services could use it to draw their own conclusions and therefore organize a defence, organize their surveillance and inform their investigations, using objective evidence that, independently of how it was obtained, could prove extremely useful?

10:50 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

There's just time for a brief response.

Ms. Basnicki.

10:50 a.m.

Founder Director, Canadian Coalition Against Terror

Maureen Basnicki

I'd like to ask a question of Mr. Ménard. I'm not a lawyer like yourself, my colleague, and many in this room, but here is my opinion.

C-CAT does not condone torture, but in a case where the information provides reasonable grounds to believe that a non-Canadian citizen may pose a danger to Canadians, Canada is within its rights to use that information to refuse admission to such a person.

Judges are there to evaluate the merit of this information. Judges are what I believe in. We have to believe that judges are going to formulate the correct opinion on the admissibility of the evidence.

10:50 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

Does anybody else have any comments?

10:50 a.m.

Member of Steering Committee, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group

Warren Allmand

Unfortunately, I didn't bring the Convention Against Torture document with me today. I read it last night. But even on that last point, what's being suggested is a contravention of the Convention Against Torture. We either support the convention or we don't support it. Let's not be hypocrites about it.

I approve of some of the suggested amendments. At least you put into the bill that torture evidence cannot be used as a basis for a security certificate, and that's why it has to be tested.

For example, if the person identified in the certificate hasn't had a chance to know what that particular evidence is, the type of information that may come forward, and he or she can't respond to it, then we don't have due process.

10:55 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

Mr. Mia, did you have any—

10:55 a.m.

Former Board Member, Chair of the Advocacy and Research Committee, Canadian Muslim Lawyers Association

Ziyaad Mia

I'll keep it short.

Mr. Ménard, I see your point that you would have some information that you wouldn't use in the legal proceeding, that you would use for public safety. I see your point, and it gets into that moral dilemma.

I would have to err on the side of the legal principles, only because in society we balance risk. Every day we take risks. We could keep this society 110% secure, but even in the engineering of this building, there's a risk of a few percent that this will just fall down. At some point, we draw the line. I would err on the side of sticking to our fundamental principles, because once we water them down, we've started to set the agenda to move away from them.

10:55 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

Ms. Priddy.

10:55 a.m.

NDP

Penny Priddy NDP Surrey North, BC

Thank you.

May I first ask Ms. Basnicki whether we will be able to receive her testimony if it's submitted and translated?

10:55 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

That's a given. That's always the case.

10:55 a.m.

Founder Director, Canadian Coalition Against Terror

Maureen Basnicki

It has been submitted, I believe. Yes.

10:55 a.m.

NDP

Penny Priddy NDP Surrey North, BC

I just wanted to be clear. Thank you.

I have perhaps two questions.

One of them is first to you. I appreciate your being here. This must be very difficult. Every time you testify, you relive and retell the story. That's not a very easy thing to do, so I thank you for that.

You've heard people this morning talk about some of the additional accommodations that might be made to make this act more acceptable to at least some people. I'm wondering if you have an opinion—I, too, am not a lawyer—about whether that is going too far. We did hear people talk about families, and you could talk about families, I think, with a great deal of credibility and about whether you think that's going too far in making accommodation for the detainee.

10:55 a.m.

Founder Director, Canadian Coalition Against Terror

Maureen Basnicki

We talk about values of Canadians, and it's my understanding that the people who are detained, again, are not suffering cruel and unusual punishment. They're able to go about, for the most part, their daily lives. Some are fathering additional children, teaching in schools. If you look at the detention of these individuals, it's not an uncomfortable lifestyle. They always have the choice of going back to their country of origin, or to a third country, so, really, the choice comes down to the detainee. I would imagine that if you ask a lot of Canadian citizens, natural-born Canadian citizens, if they could trade places with some of these non-Canadian citizens and their lifestyle, they would put their hands up in a hurry.

It takes away from my feeling about my fellow citizens to believe that anybody would be incarcerated against their will and with lack of evidence, but this is not incarceration that we're talking about; this is just about the ability to remain in Canada.

I'm here to remind you of what happens when we make a mistake.

10:55 a.m.

NDP

Penny Priddy NDP Surrey North, BC

Thank you.

Mind you, in some cases, we are talking about incarceration, but not in all.

You stated that the CMLA has talked about looking at it under the Criminal Code, as opposed to here. Could you speak to that, please? I'm told it's not possible.

10:55 a.m.

Former Board Member, Chair of the Advocacy and Research Committee, Canadian Muslim Lawyers Association

Ziyaad Mia

I can speak to that a bit. On principle, it just doesn't stand when you look at it logically and legally. I know we are in the realm of politics and the law doesn't fully apply in that way, so that's why I'm offering you recommendations.

So, in principle, we would prefer this either to be moved to the criminal process where there are protections, even for national security evidence, after the Anti-terrorism Act was introduced--and I will leave my colleague, Mr. Allmand, to speak a bit more about that--or we would prefer importing criminal law standards to this.

I would like to correct a little of what Ms. Basnicki said, that it is punitive detention. The Supreme Court has actually determined that, because many Federal Court decisions were saying no, this isn't, and drawing that distinction. But at the Supreme Court, Madam Chief Justice McLachlin said, yes, it is what we know it is. It walks like a duck; it quacks like a duck. This is punitive detention. To be in detention for seven years in solitary...it is detention. It is punitive. We need better processes and standards.

So what I would say is, we're using administrative law principles here, a reasonable standard. Those of you who are administrative lawyers will know that that is the lowest standard with the highest deference to the government.

What I would say is, if we're not importing criminals, ideally in my dream world, my fantasy world, I would have the full, criminal, reasonable doubt standards. If we're not having that, at least think about moving that to where the judge just doesn't say, “Well, the reasonable standard says that of what the minister chose, out of all the evidence pile we had, I chose these three things out of the one hundred that are all incriminating, and I'm deciding you're a security threat, Mr. Mayes.” Is that reasonable? Of course, based on what you put in front of yourself, it is always going to be reasonable. So you get the circular logic. I'm saying move that standard.

The other end of the administrative spectrum is correctness. The minister must be very good in getting the right decision, and the judge can also ask more probing things: you should have looked at this; this is weak.

I think that's better, because that's really what we're trying to get at, the truth. Move it closer to correctness. If you want correctness, I encourage you to do that, somewhere in the middle, yes, but not reasonableness, because this is basically administrative law that deals with dog-catchers and so on. That's not the standard we want here, because (a), we're dealing with possible national security threats, allegedly, that we don't want low standards on, and (b), the flip side is innocent people are being persecuted for something they haven't done.

So for both reasons we need higher standards to find the truth.

11 a.m.

NDP

Penny Priddy NDP Surrey North, BC

Thank you. My same question was for Mr. Allmand--and it is a delight and an honour to see him here--whether he indeed could see this or would support this under the Criminal Code.

11 a.m.

Member of Steering Committee, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group

Warren Allmand

Yes, we do. We're not saying that suspected terrorists should not be pursued and prosecuted. We're saying they should, but they should be pursued and prosecuted for either performing a conspiracy to commit terrorism or in fact committing terrorism or planning to commit terrorism. We think that's the way it should be dealt with, because then you have all the protections of a criminal justice system that goes back hundreds of years with all sorts of protections and practices in it.

As I said earlier, there are many Canadians who are pretty bad actors. If they were involved in a conspiracy to commit terrorism or commit terrorist acts, we would have to go at them in this way. We could not use this security certificate proposal against them.

As I pointed out, it is my view that the line between citizens and non-citizens now in Canada is very minor. As a matter of fact, most benefits in Canada are available to non-citizens--most social programs--and there are many non-Canadians who have lived in Canada much longer than people who have citizenship and who barely live here at all.

11 a.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Garry Breitkreuz

Mr. MacKenzie.

11 a.m.

Conservative

Dave MacKenzie Conservative Oxford, ON

Mr. Allmand, could you tell us when you were in cabinet--the time?

11 a.m.

Member of Steering Committee, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group

Warren Allmand

For seven years, from 1972 to 1976.