Thank you very much.
Dear honourable members, my name, as mentioned, is Erika Dyck. I am a historian and a Canada research chair in the history of health and social justice at the University of Saskatchewan. I have been studying the history of psychedelics for over 20 years. My research has been published in a number of scholarly books, articles, documentaries and podcasts.
Initially, my research focused on medical experiments that were conducted in Canada in the 1950s and 1960s using substances like D-lysergic acid diethylamide, or LSD; mescaline, from the peyote cactus; and psilocybin, which is found in magic mushrooms. This research includes the studies conducted in Saskatchewan that coined the term “psychedelic” in 1957.
By the 1970s and 1980s, psychedelic drugs had earned a reputation as dangerous substances, with links to a history of mind control, violent behaviour and unwanted side effects like flashbacks. Canada, like most western nations, signed a UN convention in 1971 agreeing to ban the use of psychedelics in human research due to concerns about their capacity to cause addiction and stimulate unwanted behaviours. The only exception to this designation was indigenous uses for ceremonial or religious purposes.
The relationship between indigenous uses of psychedelics in Canadian history is particularly complicated. While there are a handful of registered religious exemptions stemming as far back as the 1950s, much of this history is not well understood and not well documented. For much of Canadian history, indigenous traditions were under threat, and some were expressly prohibited by the Indian Act.
While the word “psychedelic” was not coined until 1957, the concept of altering one’s state of consciousness, of course, is not unique to psychedelics. However, due to colonial pressures to adopt western medicine and laws prohibiting indigenous spiritual traditions, our documented understanding of indigenous customs with psychedelic practices or principles is severely limited.
The clearest evidence comes from the Native American Church, which has been a registered religious organization since the late 1950s. There has historically been one legal chapter in Canada and several legal chapters in the United States and Mexico. The Native American Church includes many sacred features, including the use of the peyote cactus, which contains a psychoactive alkaloid called mescaline. Mescaline was first identified by German chemists in 1896, but the practice of peyotism stretches back hundreds of years.
Most written accounts of peyotism, or the worship of peyote, came from the church as it sought legal recognition in the early part of the 20th century. That formal recognition represented a syncretic religion, with a blending of Christian and indigenous practices of worship, including the medicine or sacrament of the peyote cactus. The peyote cactus does not naturally grow in Canada. It grows in parts of Texas and northern Mexico. Anthropologists have tracked peyote pilgrimages and kinship ties to that region for centuries, further suggesting that practices long predate the formal documented recognition.
There are several historical reasons why we lack information about indigenous practices with psychedelics.
First, the practices were prohibited, stigmatized or explicitly illegal, meaning that without oral testimonies or direct information, we lack documented detail about these practices that sometimes occurred in secret.
Second, ethnobotanists and anthropologists working with indigenous communities across Canada have suggested that many ceremonies, practices and traditions do not single out a psychedelic feature. By that, I mean there are diverse practices or traditions that involve different components, which might include fasting, dancing, singing and praying. These are features that can produce alterations in consciousness. Fixating on the inclusion or exclusion of a psychedelic plant or fungi has distorted our western understanding of how these traditions use sacred plants in combination with other observances.
Finally, even academic researchers who studied these indigenous traditions in the 1940s through to the 1970s were subjected to the stigma associated with psychedelics. Some now suggest there has been a mycophobic bias in the literature, suggesting that these studies were not taken seriously or published at all.
Historically, Canadian medical researchers played a leading role in developing therapeutic applications for psychedelics. In my opinion, the best examples of effective treatments from the 1950s and 1960s came from researchers who genuinely engaged with indigenous leaders and who paid close attention to how ceremonies were structured. Collaboration between the Native American Church and psychedelic researchers in Saskatchewan, for example, led to the development of some of the first published protocols on the safe use of psychedelics in group therapy. Native American Church leaders were crucial in informing non-indigenous researchers how to prepare for an experience. In return, non-indigenous researchers testified at committees like this one about the cultural significance of the peyote ceremony.
Thank you very much for the time to speak on this important issue.