Some of those were the ones I mentioned in my presentation. There are a lot more detailed recommendations in this report, which you may have seen. I think we have to attack it on a number of fronts.
If we're looking at women before they get to retirement age, we need to look at how they're treated by various programs—for example, lone mothers who are on social assistance. The National Council of Welfare has produced an analysis of that showing that social assistance rates are now lower than they were in the 1980s, when you take into account inflation, and the fact that most women who lose their jobs now can no longer qualify for employment insurance, and that their wages are very low in these very low jobs.
All of these are things we could address individually, but my argument would be that we need some kind of national strategy whereby we would review all of those programs to see what the impact of those is on women's ability to set aside money.
For example, you've had witnesses here who have suggested a particular way of saving for low income people—a tax-prepaid savings plan, for example, whereby people could set aside some money for retirement, and when they took the money out it wouldn't be taxable.
The problem is that most low income women—and most women do have very low earnings—don't have any spare cash left aside to save. We might need to supplement some of those to give them better benefits when they get to retirement, to improve the CPP for people who have low incomes.
For example, there was a proposal that came out of Quebec in the 1980s that suggested that once they got to retirement, those who had low incomes and hadn't been able to accumulate very much could have a higher pension from the CPP than those who had higher earnings. There is a whole range of different things we can do. There isn't any one silver bullet, if you want to put it like that.
My argument is that we need to look at the whole mix and develop a comprehensive strategy.