Thank you.
I would like to slightly change the focus of the discussion that I gather has been going on in this study project.
I have heard the Status of Women Canada officers speak about the three pillars that will, if properly constructed, lead to equality for women in Canada. I have read the evidence of the Statistics Canada labour market experts giving data on a 20-year frame and how the great progress that has been registered over the last 20 years surely will lead to elimination of discrimination against women. However, I would like to remind people in this room that Canada, as a signatory to the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, has made a very solemn undertaking to eliminate all forms of discrimination on the basis that for decades now it has been internationally and globally agreed that women's disadvantaged status is not caused by one or two or three factors, and it didn't arise just in the last 20 years. It's historically embedded. It's structural. It is long-standing. It is the most intractable form of discrimination that the human race has struggled with, and with so little effect.
I would like to begin my submission to this committee by pointing out that this is a structural issue, and it's a structural issue that predates the industrial period. When industrial workforces were first constituted, as people left the unpaid work of homes and farms and so on, women's work had already been defined for centuries, and it was women's work that followed women into the first factories to do women's work in a place that was economically more efficient for the commercial sector that was arising.
I would like to share with you information that reflects a 100-year frame. The top 10 jobs for women in 1891 were, in order of priority, servant, dressmaker, teacher, farmer, seamstress, tailoress, saleswoman, housekeeper, laundress, and milliner. In 2001 the top ten occupations for women in Canada were clerical worker, secretary, sales clerk, teacher, child care and/or domestic worker, nurse, food and beverage server, cashier, retail food and accommodation manager, and, as a sign of the times, machine operator, in tenth place.
This is not a picture of change; this is a picture of deeply embedded discrimination, which is continually reflected in every statistical account assembled either by Statistics Canada or by other countries in the rest of the world. This is a pattern that has not ever changed anywhere.
Canada used to be at the forefront of leading the way out of structural discrimination, but now, as we know and as is even broadcast in Switzerland and Austria on the radio, Canada has fallen behind, because it's forgotten how to do it.
How do I know what I say is correct? There are four basic indicators that will always surface when you look at the structure of women's work.
Number one is the quality of work. Since 1976, when statistics on this issue were first collected by Statistics Canada, women have had either 69% or 70% of all part-time jobs in the country. A change over the last 35 years over a range of 1% is not change. It's incredible stability, and that's not choice, that's history. It's locking people's feet in cement, I suggest.
The second indicator is incomes. Women still receive only 36% of all market incomes earned in Canada. The private sector is still women's greatest barrier to economic equality. Between 1986, right after the charter came into effect, and 1991, there was rapid growth in that sector: women's share of incomes increased by 3.2%.
Since 1991, however, women's share of incomes has increased by exactly 0.9%—in the last 20 years only a 0.9% increase, from 35.1% to 36% of all market incomes.
Third, there's women's share of unpaid work. Now, that shows real progress. Women started with 70% of the unpaid work in Canada back in 1970, when the Royal Commission on the Status of Women reported. The percentage is now down to 65% or 63%, depending on which report you look at. But it's not going any lower, and it appears to be reversing.
And last, lack of access to non-traditional work is as entrenched as ever and is becoming more entrenched. There is regress going on here, not progress, with the result that it is I think unlikely that women will ever achieve even a good 22% of all non-traditional jobs.
One of the leading indicators is women's cohort gender wage gap, which, when applied to analyzing the incomes of women graduating from universities, shows that as of 2001, women's wage gap, when women are compared with men graduating from university with them, was higher than it was in 1981. In 1981, the wage gap was 15.6%; in 2001 it had already risen to 18.4%, and it is growing wider. The only question is how much wider it is going to get.
This brings me to the point that was just made, and that is that in the face of all of this overwhelming evidence of the deeply seated structural economic disempowerment of women in Canada—doing close to two-thirds of all of the unpaid work, doing a huge number of hours of paid work to little effect, and receiving just barely more than one-third of all market incomes—the federal government does not have in place a single national labour market adjustment program on the basis of gender, nor does it appear to even believe that such a thing could be conceptualized.
I draw your attention to the list of items that have been dedicated to the current iteration of the economic action plan, the $41.9 billion for fiscal year 2010-11. The infrastructure spending alone is heavily, overwhelmingly, aimed at the construction, engineering, heavy manufacturing, primary industry sector of the economy. The corporate income tax cuts send an even larger subsidy off to the corporate sector. And if a demographic analysis is done of who's going to receive that money, it's very clear that at the very best, women will get 22% of the infrastructure funding, a percentage allocation that will paradoxically actually increase wage gaps between women and men, because if you give women who right now have a 36% share only 22% of $9.6 billion, that's a very large number, and it will drag that 36% down. The same will happen with corporate income cuts.
I have put the single-parent UCCB tax cut item in this presentation to help put into perspective how to look at budgets, if you really care about the structural, deliberate, systemic inequality of women in Canada. Increasing, for the lowest-income single-parent UCCB recipient, by a maximum of $168 per child beginning in this fiscal year will cost the government $5 million, which is 0.0006% of one percentage point of total budgetary dedication, of this $41.9 billion. Statistically, even though 81% of that money will indeed go to women, it cannot possibly even shift so much as a single grain of sand on the big beach that is statistical analysis.
Those are my main submissions. Other points may come up in discussion, but thank you for listening.