I'd like to begin by thanking the committee for this opportunity to present today. My presentation will focus on the recommendations contained in our 16-page brief, which we provided last week. The discussion of recommendations will link to features of the legal framework in Canada, as well as to key themes emerging from elder abuse research.
By way of a broader context for this meeting, we have here a short outline of our brief. It contains four sections. Section one outlined the concept of abuse of older women. Section two outlined current federal, provincial, and territorial legal approaches and responses. Section three discussed key social dynamics involved in the incident of abuse of older women. Section four identified areas for policy and program development, areas where we see the potential for national leadership.
Throughout our brief, we threaded examples of elder abuse, of abuse of older women, taken from case jurisprudence to illustrate how elder abuse, abuse of older women, looks different from other dynamics of domestic violence.
Our brief contains five recommendations. I'll get to them in just a moment.
Abuse of older women is a complex phenomenon. There are many different forms of abuse and different kinds of victims, and no single legal framework or social program is likely to capture all circumstances that fall under the umbrella of abuse of older women.
Addressing the abuse of older women thus requires a multi-faceted national strategy. This submission identifies a number of areas where we see potential for the federal government to take further leadership.
First, older women have needs and experiences different from those of younger women who experience abuse and violence. Over the years, communities and governments have developed legislation, programs, and policies that have been successful in assisting other women to stop the violence in their lives; however, few programs recognize the unique needs and experiences of older women.
To highlight some themes discussed in our brief, there are strong links between financial abuse and physical neglect of older women. Abuse of power of attorney or by a substitute decision-maker is a common theme. Chemical or medication abuse is more common in older women, including denial of medication, overmedication, inappropriate decisions regarding treatment, and not getting proper consent for treatment from the older person or the appropriate substitute decision-maker.
Interdependency is a key theme. Women are harmed by people who are dependent on them for care or for financial, emotional, or other support. Sometimes women are harmed by people who are caring for them, but this is not the norm. The other way around is what we see more.
Family relationships are very important to older women, and maintaining these family relationships, in spite of the dynamics of abuse, can be important. There is a strong desire to age in place: fears and anxieties about institutionalization and loss of independence, factors including financial dependency, disability, or illness, can mean it will take longer for women to develop a strategy to live free of abuse. Isolation is also a key factor emerging from social science research.
So the challenge of how to connect with older women in their communities becomes an issue.
Our first recommendation is that the needs of older women can be different from those of their younger counterparts and communities and organizations should be funded to create resource agencies and programs that provide support and assistance to older women who have experienced abuse, with particular emphasis on making those resources accessible to older women who are isolated in some way.
The flip side of this issue is that older women are also diverse, and there is very little Canadian research on elder abuse in marginalized communities such as first nations, Inuit, Métis, immigrants, and low-income people. However, the limited research that does exist suggests that marginalization complicates abuse.
Given this diversity, this will have implications for the types of assistance that will be welcome and helpful in those communities. Further research should be conducted--this is our second recommendation--to identify appropriate strategies and resources that target different communities of older women and also to increase understanding of the dynamics of abuse that are unique to different communities. You'll note in my recommendation that I refer to strategies that are welcome, workable solutions that will be effective in different communities.
Our third recommendation is to focus on prevention. We are an agency that focuses on the law, and what we notice is that laws tend to be reactive. Legislation provides for a remedy in some circumstances of abuse, generally only after abuse has occurred.
For example, in our paper, we go through the different kinds of legal frameworks in Canada. We see legislation for the protection of persons in care, which to some extent addresses the circumstances of vulnerable older women who reside in care facilities, as a way of providing a framework for mandatory reporting.
Adult protection and neglect and guardianship legislation provides some solutions when an older woman lacks mental capacity or has some other kind of impairment that affects her ability to access support on her own. Domestic violence legislation provides some tools in the context of abuse of older women who might fall under that umbrella.
The Quebec charter provides a route for a financial remedy for circumstances involving exploitation of a dependent and vulnerable older woman—of course, only in Quebec. In some jurisdictions, there is public guardian legislation that grants the public guardian or trustee powers of investigation and asset freezing. This would be helpful in circumstances of financial abuse or abuse by a substitute decision-maker.
These capture the kinds of abuse. It's a bit of a patchwork approach to addressing abuse of older women through the law. Of course, layered on top of that, we have the Criminal Code framework, which provides for a remedy in a context of a criminal act. A lot of the Criminal Code remedies tend to be rather offender focused, and they exclude forms of abuse that aren't a crime, such as emotional abuse and abuse before it manifests to the level of a crime.
Our recommendation number three is that an effective national strategy for addressing abuse of older women include strategies for prevention.
What does this mean? This means providing women with alternatives to tolerating abuse by addressing some of the underlying factors that contribute to abuse, such as: economic insecurity; access to resources; awareness of rights; destigmatization of victimization, for example, through public awareness campaigns; and, assistance with caregiving responsibilities. It should also include training and ongoing support for various professional and service sector communities—health, banking, and justice, to name a few—in relation to their work and coming into contact with older women who might be victims of abuse.
Our fourth recommendation is focused around empowering older women. One of the challenges with a legal approach is that what we see thus far in Canada is that for a lot of the legislation and policy that identify remedies and circumstances of risk and abuse, they're often protective remedies, protective measures that take control, independence, and power away from the vulnerable woman.
For example, guardianship and substitute decision-making measures are certainly necessary in some instances of mental incapacity, but they do take decision-making power away from vulnerable women.
Legal institutions focused on mandatory reporting and disclosure of personal information also undermine autonomy, privacy, and free decision-making. For instance, measures that are focused on putting a woman into a retirement facility to keep her safe again remove independence.
Our fourth recommendation is that abuse is generally understood, at least in the context of domestic violence, to be an act of control that undermines autonomy, power, and confidence of the victim. With that in mind, legal and social policy should not prioritize protectionist goals at the expense of undermining women's autonomy and personal power; rather, legal and policy strategies should be developed through a lens that focuses on empowering older women survivors of abuse.
How do we do this? Some examples are: raising awareness of options; increasing access to services; allowing women to make choices about what steps to take; and providing access to the legal and financial assistance required to follow through on those difficult decisions.
Finally, our fifth recommendation is to focus on practical resources and specific communities. At the national level in the last years, there has been tremendous success in Canada in raising awareness both about elder abuse and about domestic violence.
One of the challenges becomes how to raise awareness of abuse through the combined lenses and how we knit the analysis together and provide people with information on the concrete steps they can take to address abuse in their communities. In terms of concrete steps, of concrete agencies, there remains a lack of public awareness about what an older woman can do if she experiences abuse and about what concerned individuals can do if they believe an older woman is being mistreated, exploited, or abused.
To articulate our fifth recommendation, there is a need for further awareness-raising about abuse of older women, with the focus on identifying available resources. People need to know how they can participate in supporting older women in their communities to access timely support and assistance.
Given the threat that isolation poses in the area of elder abuse, older women need practical information that pertains to locally available, accessible resources, and public awareness initiatives should target remote communities. Currently, there is already less access to information, and there are possibly fewer resources to draw upon at a time of need.
Thank you very much for this invitation. Those are our submissions today.