Status of Women Committee on Nov. 4th, 2024

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 129 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on the Status of Women.

I would like to remind all members of the following points. Please wait until I recognize you by name prior to speaking, and all comments ought to be addressed through the chair.

Thank you for adhering to these rules.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on Wednesday, September 25, the committee will continue with its study of gender-based violence and femicides against women, girls and gender-diverse people.

Before we welcome our witnesses, I'd like to provide this trigger warning. We will be discussing experiences related to violence and femicides. This may be triggering to viewers with similar experiences. If any participants feel distressed or need help, please advise the clerk. For all witnesses and for all members of Parliament, it is important to recognize that these are very difficult discussions, so let's try to be as compassionate as we can with our conversations.

For today's panel, as individuals, we have Diane Tremblay, artist. We have Alison Irons, and we have Lucas Broadfoot joining us by video conference.

From National Family and Survivors Circle, we have Hilda Anderson-Pyrz, chair. We also have, from Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada, Rosemary Cooper, president and chief executive officer, joining us by video conference.

From Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale, we have Louise Riendeau, co-responsible for political affairs by video conference, and Mathilde Trou, co-responsible for political affairs, who is also joining us by video conference.

In addition, we have Melanie Omeniho, president, Women of the Métis Nation by video conference as well. We also have Humberto Carolo, chief executive officer of White Ribbon by video conference.

We will begin our statements of up to five minutes per organization and five minutes per individual.

Ms. Tremblay, you have the floor for five minutes.

[Diane Tremblay, Artist, As an Individual]

Hello.

My name is Diane Tremblay and I am a victim and survivor of domestic and family violence.

I am here today to offer my full support, experience and vision; as a former victim myself, I am also here to stand in solidarity with other victims, most of whom are women who are dealing with violence. I would like to offer my support to indigenous women, who are overrepresented among these victims, and to women of all backgrounds. These women are human beings targeted and used as scapegoats by anger‑fuelled men. These men are power-hungry and filled with an unholy hatred for women.

As you know, the number of femicides has increased dramatically, even more so since the pandemic. We deserve resources from qualified organizations right now, such as psychological and financial assistance, as well as accommodation and assistance during court appearances. Police forces often have their hands tied by laws that are designed for criminals, not for abused women. I've lived it, so I speak from experience.

Unfortunately, the huge lack of resources, staff and budget is hindering assistance for women victims. We're here today to find solutions quickly, because criminals don't wait. They kill spouses, mothers, daughters, grandmothers, aunts and friends, among others. These women don't stand a chance, because they're not being adequately protected and taken seriously by our federal and provincial governments. Help has been slow in coming for decades. We are left with the impression that women remain at the bottom of our leaders' priorities in 2024, with the exception of yourselves, of course.

I myself have been a victim of domestic violence. During this difficult time in my life, I experienced sexual assault and two attempts on my life. Myself and my children were subjected to all forms of violence. In addition, I had to fight tooth and nail to keep myself safe and to get financial and psychological help. This was way back to 2009. Nearly 20 years later, I am still making the same arguments and begging for change. That is not normal, it is immoral and unacceptable.

Here's what I propose as solutions.

First, we should have programs in every school in Canada to teach our children and equip them with the skills to communicate, manage their anger and respect others. A mediation program should be available in every school to help children with behavioural difficulties. We could call upon survivors of violence, who would be properly trained to offer anger management and child victim support programs. This would serve as an immediate intervention that would help victims from a young age. It would be beneficial to both victims and children and would truly help children make the transition into the adult world. Prevention is a key word that we tend to forget.

In addition, there should be meetings and discussions with judges in each of the provinces. That would be beneficial for everyone. We should be holding hearings with victims, as we are doing today, at least every two years, so that they can make their needs and feelings known outside the courtroom. Of course, I'm talking about survivors whose cases have been resolved. In short, it takes face-to-face meetings.

This could also be done with police services and their chiefs, so that they have a better understanding of victims and are in a better position to help them. That would be a big step toward better crisis management for victims of assault. What I mean by that is that police officers often don't know what to do either. Survivors of violence could then provide their expertise. I'm talking about survivors that would be able to participate with the benefit of some hindsight. When you are in a state of shock or going through a healing process, it is too early, in my humble opinion, to have clear ideas and to manage your emotions in a healthy way. When we give talks or appear before committees to explain our point of view, as I am doing today, it helps police officers better understand us when such events occur.

Obviously, much remains to be done in our society in general. There is a great need for education and awareness on violence against women. We could hold annual focus groups or information sessions with key workers or survivors in city halls during public meetings. Women's safety is everyone's business. It's about targeting violence without putting yourself in harm's way.

I think that murderers do not recognize the extent of their actions and that many of them have no remorse, too blinded as they are by their need to control, get revenge and hold the power of life and death over women.

As women, we find ourselves on our knees begging our abusers to spare our lives, not to hit us or rape us. We are still kneeling before our governments and begging for protection and security. We've been doing this for decades. This has to stop. Some people talk the talk and some walk the walk. Women are the ones who walk the walk. It is time for governments to act right here right now, but when will we see words put into action?

Finally, I think it would be appropriate to have an ambassador representing abused women. She could keep a constant eye on the situation and contact our elected officials in all the provinces of Canada to remind them that we exist, that we are entitled to respect and that we have the right to lead our lives without being controlled by a violent man, under the threat of a knife or a gun. We have the right to live safely in our homes.

Thank you for listening to me and hearing me, and I wish you wisdom and good luck in your initiatives.

Meegwetch, thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you very much for your testimony.

I would like to welcome Ms. Alison Irons. Please go ahead.

[Alison Irons, As an Individual]

Forgive me if my introduction is repetitive from last week, when my Internet dropped. I'd like to thank the committee for inviting me to speak again today.

By way of introduction, I'm an ex-RCMP officer of nine years' service who attended many so-called domestic disputes during my service. I was also at that time on the board of the North Shore Women's Centre in North Vancouver, B.C., as a police adviser. I'd like to point out that this was some 40 years ago, and here we are still.

I've also worked as an Ontario government investigator and investigative manager for Ombudsman Ontario, particularly in the field of corrections. I retired as a director of enterprise-wide services in the Government of Ontario. Further, I'm certified as a Canadian human resources leader.

Sadly, I'm also the mother of 26-year-old Lindsay Margaret Wilson, born July 30, 1986, my precious daughter and best friend, who was stalked and shot to death by her ex-intimate partner, a legal gun owner who had guns and a licence he never should have been granted, in a murder-suicide on April 5, 2013, in Bracebridge, Ontario, just two weeks before completing her graduating exams. I received her degree at Nipissing University posthumously.

I want to emphasize to the committee that my daughter's assassin—yes, that's what I call him—had never been violent with her until the day he murdered her in cold blood. He was clean-cut, articulate and from a well-to-do family of professionals in the community in which he lived. He was also manipulative, artful and controlling with my daughter in a number of ways. He'd tell her she was the love of his life, but would undermine her self-confidence by constantly criticizing her looks, her weight—when she was slim, not overweight—her clothing choices, etc. She left the relationship twice when she caught him drug dealing behind her back. That was another manipulation, as he was not the person he purported to be.

The first time, he lured her back with letters articulating his love for her, his apologies and the inevitable promises of changed behaviour. Occasionally, he threatened suicide by firearm to keep her with him. We must understand that threats of suicide to keep someone in a relationship are a form of coercive control, since they terrify the recipient of the threats. She kept these from me initially, sadly, as she knew how I'd react.

He also incessantly held over her head the matter of an $85 phone bill he claimed she owed him. My daughter, a principled person, didn't agree that this money was owed. She also strongly believed that since she had unwittingly been duped into paying many of the costs in their relationship, she definitely owed him nothing. Since drug dealing had been his only income, he didn't want to pay for anything in cash. I even offered to give her the money to pay him so that he would stop harassing her about it, but she refused on principle.

In January 2012 he threatened to commit suicide by firearm over three hours on the phone with her after she'd caught him drug dealing again and had broken off the relationship for good. She severed all contact with him. He then kept trying to contact her through blocked-number phone calls, through friends, through social media and through letters he wrote to her again professing undying love and that it was all his fault, but still adding content to undermine her self-esteem. He continued to bring up the phone bill.

She read me the final letter about three weeks before her murder. There was no hint in the letter of any threat or of his escalating anger towards her, but I pointed out to her how manipulative, deceptive and undermining the letter was. In one sentence he'd praise her. In the next sentence he'd find fault. We were afraid to get a restraining order, because I knew as an ex-police officer that its service on him might be the very thing that tipped him over the edge into violence. I also knew that if he showed up at her door with a gun, it would be too late to get help.

We also thought at the time, incorrectly, that his driver's licence was suspended and that he couldn't reach her five hours away. But he did drive five hours. He found her car and stalked her that week to find her home. He surprised her with a shotgun in the driveway. While she pleaded for her life, he shot her with both pellets and slugs at close range, centre body mass—a clearly fatal injury. She survived for only about 20 minutes. Police told me she was in shock and in no pain, but that she knew she was dying. That's horrific for a mother to learn.

I've been lobbying for a criminal coercive control offence since I learned England and Scotland had done this, and have monitored how such cases have been faring in the U.K. justice system. It's clear that police are indeed laying the charges. In fact, to date, there are over 1,000.

However, it's now emerging that too many are failing in court because judges and defence counsel are arguing, but he didn't hit you, did he, so it couldn't have been that bad? It appears they don't understand the legal definition of coercive control as non-violent behaviour of the accused towards the victim.

This demands the education of the criminal justice system regarding coercive control as an absolute necessity in implementation of that bill, as was done in Keira's law. Abused women are at greater danger of harm if such charges fail in court because personnel don't understand the intent and meaning of the law. Monitoring of charges and convictions initially must also ensure there's no adverse impact on identifiable groups, such as indigenous persons or people of colour.

Finally, I firmly believe, as an ex-police officer, that a conviction for coercive control in one's criminal history will serve as an evidentiary building block to corroborate any future pattern of behaviour that might progress to violence, or worse, femicide.

Thank you for listening and for your time.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you very much for your testimony.

I would like to welcome Mr. Broadfoot.

You have the floor for up to five minutes.

[Lucas Broadfoot, As an Individual]

Good morning.

Today, I stand before you not just as an individual but as a voice for my sister, Breanna Broadfoot, whose life was tragically cut short by domestic violence this summer. It is a privilege to address you in this esteemed chamber where the issues that shape our nation are discussed and resolved.

Breanna was a vibrant spirit full of dreams and aspirations whose potential was extinguished far too soon. Her story is a reminder of the countless individuals affected by the scourge of domestic violence, a pervasive issue that touches every corner of our society.

Breanna's story is not just her own. It is a reflection of countless lives disrupted and destroyed by domestic violence. My sister's abuser was let out on bail after an incident in March. My sister was strangled and beaten until she didn't look the same. I was the one who had to get her from the bus stop, and I'm the one who called the police. He was let out the same day after just getting his fingerprints done. He also had a heavy record of violent crimes. He was charged with strangulation with intent to kill.

At our last discussion, it was disheartening to hear the response from the Liberal Party, which dismissed domestic violence as a non-issue. This response was not just disappointing; it was a stark reminder of how domestic violence continues to be marginalized despite its devastating impact on families and communities across Canada. Domestic violence is not a distant concern or an abstract issue. It is a crisis that affects real people—our friends, our family, our neighbours—yet the reality remains that criminals and abusers continue to roam our streets, often without facing the accountability they so clearly deserve.

This lack of consequence emboldens offenders and leaves survivors feeling isolated and unprotected. It is clear that we need to address this issue with greater urgency and commitment. One crucial step forward would be the implementation of comprehensive domestic violence education in our schools. By integrating domestic violence awareness and prevention programs into the curriculum, we could foster a generation that understands the signs of abuse, knows how to help and where to seek help and stands firmly against violence in all its forms. Educating our youth about the dynamics of domestic violence will not only empower them to protect themselves but also help cultivate a culture of empathy, understanding and respect.

Furthermore, it is imperative that we enhance support systems for survivors and ensure that justice is not just a theoretical ideal but a practical reality. We must work towards creating a robust legal framework that holds abusers accountable and ensures that survivors receive the protection and support they need. This includes addressing the gaps in our legal system and ensuring that those who commit acts of domestic violence and violent crimes are not left to continue their harmful behaviour unchallenged.

My sister's memory calls us to action. It is a call to fight against the normalization of violence and to demand better for all who suffer in silence. Let us honour her and all of the other countless victims by taking decisive steps to address domestic violence through education and reform. Let us work together to create a society where everyone, regardless of their circumstances, can live free from fear and harm.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you, Lucas, for your sensitive testimony. You were extraordinarily brave.

I would like to welcome Ms. Anderson-Pyrz.

You have the floor for up to five minutes.

[Hilda Anderson-Pyrz]

Good morning, Chair and members of the committee.

My name is Hilda Anderson, and I am the chair of the National Family and Survivors Circle, which is made up of families who are impacted by missing and murdered indigenous women and girls and survivors of gender and race-based violence. Thank you for this opportunity to address the ongoing crisis of gender-based violence and femicides in Canada, especially as it impacts indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people.

This is a human rights crisis, a Canadian genocide, as the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls identified, rooted in systemic racism, intergenerational trauma and severe social and economic marginalization. Let me be clear, indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people are not statistics. They are individual human beings with inherent rights: the right to safety, the right to dignity and the right to self-determination. Addressing this crisis is not a partisan issue. It is a human rights obligation that demands unwavering cross-party commitment. The solutions must outlast political cycles and be backed by sustained concrete action and the political will to see this through.

The National Family and Survivors Circle is guided by four pillars—inclusion, interconnectedness, accountability and impact—that must shape Canada's response. Today, I present three key actions that are essential to ending this violence.

First, we need rigorous accountability mechanisms backed by political will. Policies without accountability risk becoming hollow gestures. Canada must establish a national accountability framework with legislatively mandated impact assessments, timelines and progress indicators to measure and track effectiveness; and annual public reporting that provides clear measurable data on progress, funding allocations and outcomes specifically for indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people with feedback from the indigenous community on what is truly working.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has issued recommendations to Canada on addressing gender-based violence. These are urgent and necessary guidelines. The 231 calls for justice, however, are legal imperatives that are not optional. Canada has a binding responsibility to uphold these calls and ensure they lead to meaningful change. Embedding accountability in legislation is the only way to ensure these obligations are upheld permanently and not subject to shifting priorities.

Second, equitable funding must prioritize indigenous-led initiatives. To make a real difference, sustained and equitable funding must be directed to indigenous-led organizations where indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people hold decision-making roles. I urge this committee to support legislated commitments for sustained, equitable funding focused on indigenous-led initiatives, ensuring that solutions are created and guided by those with lived experience, and predictable multi-year funding models to allow indigenous organizations to plan, grow and provide stable culturally relevant services for their communities. Equitable funding acknowledges the right of indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people to lead in addressing the challenges they uniquely face.

Third, indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people must be leaders in policy decisions on gender-based violence. The four pillars of inclusion, interconnectedness, accountability and impact mean that indigenous women, girls, and gender-diverse people must be at the helm of designing, implementing and overseeing policies that affect them. This includes mandating their leadership in policy-making bodies as essential partners whose expertise and experiences are invaluable, centring their voices in policy planning and strategy, and ensuring that solutions are rooted in their cultures, values and realities.

Finally, we must legislate trauma-informed, culturally safe services that are guided by indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people. This requires legislated standards for trauma-informed and culturally safe support to guarantee respectful, effective services that respond to the unique needs of survivors. It also involves education and awareness programs led by indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people to increase public understanding of the colonial and systemic roots of gender-based violence.

In conclusion, this committee's study on gender-based violence and femicide is a vital opportunity for Canadians to take definitive, lasting action.

The National Family and Survivors Circle is calling for nothing less than an end to femicide and a commitment to a future where indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people live in safety, security and dignity. This is not a goal. It is our responsibility to uphold their right to live free from violence and discrimination.

I urge each of you to champion these actions and recommendations to ensure that this work is sustained beyond political cycles and remains a legacy of justice that transcends partisanship.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you very much, Ms. Anderson-Pyrz.

Next, we will welcome Ms. Cooper.

Ms. Cooper, you have the floor for five minutes.

[Rosemary Cooper, President and Chief Executive Officer, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada]

Good morning, Madam Chair, committee members, guests and staff.

Ullaakkut, Chair. My name is Rosemary Cooper, and I'm the CEO of Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada. Pauktuutit is a national representative organization of Inuit women, girls and gender-diverse Inuit in Canada. We advocate for their needs in health, violence and abuse prevention, justice, social and economic development, equity and self-determination.

Thank you for the opportunity to speak on femicide specifically as it impacts indigenous women and gender-diverse people in Canada. You may be expecting Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada to focus solely on Inuit women described in our experiences, the trauma we continue to face and the statistics of violence against us, but we've done this for decades and have found that knowing how and why Inuit women are targeted isn't enough.

Across the Americas, femicide has long been used as a term to describe the targets of politicized killing of women and girls by institutions and states, including forced disappearances. It is important to make these links, because we are talking about purposeful, instrumental targeting of women and gender-diverse people because of who they are.

Following the inquiry of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls, the Government of Canada accepted the finding of genocide, and it is this intersection that we want to focus on today. We often hear calls to listen to Inuit women, but are Inuit women being heard?

Today we need to focus on the other side of this conversation: the inaction and the lack of priority and investment to end this violence and the systems that allow this violence to continue without adequate intervention, prioritization or accountability for those responsible. The national inquiry into MMIWG offered valuable findings, but it didn't provide sufficient data to give a full picture of the violence that Inuit women face. Key data held by the RCMP remains unreleased, restricting our understanding of the true scope of this violence. We demand that this data be released to national indigenous women organizations immediately. The government has accepted the inquiry's findings of genocide, but acknowledging this genocide must be matched by concrete action.

The sixth convening of the Trilateral Working Group on Violence Against Indigenous Women and Girls was recently held in Mexico. Our board chair, Nancy Etok, and all our indigenous women continue to raise the issue of inaction of the governments in Canada, Mexico and the United States.

When we talk about femicide and the violence against indigenous women and Inuit women, we must acknowledge that this violence is political. As Inuit women, we live the personal as political every day in ongoing settler colonies. At the intersection of colonialism and patriarchy, where men typically hold the authority and privilege, indigenous women are targeted not by chance but because erasing us strengthens settler power. This is not accidental violence. The systems we live within were built on the dehumanization of indigenous women. Ending this violence demands the same intention that went into creating these systems.

We've seen major commitments on paper, but let's talk about the actual investment. The national inquiry into MMIWG was originally funded at $53.8 million, with a later investment bringing it to $92 million. Yet in the same year, $2.6 billion went toward innovation and research.

MMIWG essentially received 3.5% of the investment into the innovation budget. Since 2021, Canada has allocated $29.5 billion in investment for small businesses, the green economy and AI start-ups, while indigenous communities received $2.2 billion in broadly spread funding that didn't directly address the MMIWG crisis.

In the same period, only $125 million was directed to MMIWG-specific initiatives, and only two out of the 231 calls for justice have been fully implemented. This disparity reflects the significant gap between the commitment to economic development and the urgent need for targeted action to address violence against indigenous women, girls and gender-diverse people. What is our priority? What message are we sending to indigenous and Inuit women, girls and gender-diverse people, and to those who perpetuate this violence? By these numbers, we're saying this is not a crisis. This isn't genocide; it's business as usual.

We continue to add our voices—

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Ms. Cooper, I would kindly ask you to finish your thoughts. We're about two minutes over. Thank you so much.

[Rosemary Cooper]

In closing, there are calls that can be immediately implemented now with real investment.

Thank you, Chair.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you very much.

We have Madame Riendeau and Madame Trou for five minutes.

[Louise Riendeau, Co-responsible of Political Affairs, Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale]

Good afternoon, Madam Chair and members of the committee. Thank you for inviting us today to speak on this serious issue.

Our association represents 46 help centres and shelters for women who are victims of domestic violence. These shelters are situated all over Quebec. Since the beginning of the year, there have been 20 femicides in Quebec, 12 of which were committed by an intimate partner.

Domestic violence, also known as coercive control, is a social problem linked to relationships of inequality that have long existed between men and women. It is this type of domineering relationship, which some men fundamentally subscribe to, that leads to domestic violence and, ultimately, femicide. Fortunately, there are solutions to combat violence against women. Here are a few.

One is training. In Canada, as elsewhere, women are most likely to be murdered at the hands of a current or former partner. Contrary to popular belief, intimate partner femicides are among the most predictable murders. Also contrary to popular belief is the fact that femicides are not necessarily preceded by physical violence. However, coercive control is systematically present and is at the heart of violence. Surveillance through technology, harassment, isolation, jealousy and threats, among others, which are all manifestations of coercive control and continue beyond a breakup, are red-flag precursors to femicide.

A good risk assessment ensures that a safety net is in place before femicide occurs. It is therefore essential that workers from legal, health and social services, who are often on the frontline dealing with abused women and children, be trained and equipped to properly recognize and assess the risks. To do so, governments must provide the necessary financial resources for training to be offered to all these stakeholders. It would also be useful for the government to take stock of the tools and practices that exist to assess the risks associated with domestic violence and to determine best practices in this area.

Another solution would be to criminalize coercive control. Better protection for women and children would require the passage of Bill C‑332, which criminalizes coercive control. It would send a strong message to victims that more subtle but equally devastating forms of violence and control are now recognized by the justice system. This would have the effect of speeding up training on assessing the risk of spousal homicide for anyone working with female victims of domestic violence. If the bill is passed, police will be able to document coercive control and prosecutors will be able to take it into account throughout the prosecution. We urge the Senate and the government to pass Bill C‑332.

I'll now turn it over to my colleague.

[Mathilde Trou, Co-responsible of Political Affairs, Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale]

However, femicide prevention cannot be achieved without specialized domestic violence resources. In Quebec and other provinces and territories, resource centres and shelters are running at full capacity and often struggle to meet requests for help from women, who have to wait several weeks before getting services.

Shelters must also turn down requests from community stakeholders, including schools, to give awareness-raising presentations. However, it is important to make children aware from a very young age of the importance of equality and the absence of violence in romantic relationships.

The federal government has a role to play by ensuring that shelters and resource centres have a budget that is commensurate with their intended mission. Funding could come from the first two pillars of the national action plan to end gender-based violence. Funding has already been allocated under these two pillars, but the amounts are insufficient and have not been renewed.

In addition to setting up a strong network of resource centres, shelters and transitional housing here in Canada, we should also be launching public awareness campaigns. We see tangible benefits for victims and their loved ones after every campaign. These campaigns also raise public awareness.

Finally, there is the issue of housing. We would remind you of the importance of access to affordable housing for abused women. According to representatives of our member shelters, three out of four women they support have trouble finding housing that would allow them to break free from their abusive relationship. The inability to find such housing after the breakup is a central concern for victims, but it is also one of the reasons behind the lack of space in shelters. Women are staying in shelters longer because they can't find a place to live. The time for action is now, because housing is also a safety issue for these women.

In conclusion, we hope that these meetings will lead to a better understanding of the underlying causes of femicide and violence against women, as well as the measures that must be taken to fundamentally change attitudes and behaviours to ensure better protection for women and girls in Canada.

Thank you for listening.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you both very much for your testimony.

I'd like to welcome Ms. Omeniho. You have five minutes.

[Melanie Omeniho, President, Women of the Métis Nation]

Good morning, everybody. Thank you for giving Les Femmes Michif Otipimisiwak, LFMO, the time to speak to the committee today on this topic of gender-based violence and femicide against women, girls and gender-diverse kin.

I'd like to acknowledge that I'm joining you today from Treaty 6 territory and the motherland of the Métis Nation.

LFMO is the national indigenous women's organization whose mandate is to represent Métis women from across the Métis motherland. We advocate nationally and internationally for equal treatment, health and well-being of all Métis people, with a focus on the rights, needs and priorities of Métis women, youth, children and 2SLGBTQQIA+ Métis kin.

Data shows that women and girls experiencing oppression based on race, ethnicity, age, religion, ability, region, gender identity and sexual orientation are disproportionately targeted. Métis women and girls are especially vulnerable. Nearly four in 10 cases involving marginalized Métis women or girls are impacted by mental health struggles, substance abuse, poverty, homelessness, the street economies, histories of violence, intergenerational trauma and/or previous child welfare involvement. Perpetrators exploit inequity and oppressive conditions, targeting marginalized women and girls.

We have some recommendations to end femicide, intimate partner violence and all forms of gender-based violence.

The utilization of language that describes the reality of what is occurring is an important first step. Using the term “femicide” is a step forward. It demonstrates solidarity with indigenous women in Mexico and Latin America who have long spoken out against gender-based killings amidst systemic corruption and inequity. Canada's adoption of this term will highlight a shift in acknowledging gender-based violence as a systemic issue.

It is also an opportunity for government researchers, advocacy and survivor groups, and feminist anti-violence agencies to collaborate with indigenous women's organizations like LFMO and Pauktuutit, which have shared an interest in tracking violence, understanding the trends and engaging prevention strategies. Partnerships with indigenous women's organizations are essential for tracking violence, understanding the trends and engaging these strategies that are going to help change this.

The term “vulnerabilization” was introduced by an indigenous sister from Mexico during the 2023 trilateral working group on violence against indigenous women. It reflects Métis and other indigenous women's and gender-diverse kin's realities in Canada, emphasizing how structural inequalities create conditions of violence. It also shifts focus from individual or community risk to structural factors and enabled risk. The term recognizes that poverty, racism, homophobia, colonialism and ageism are exploited by perpetrators. It underlines that perpetrators weaponize systemic inequalities to target marginalized groups.

Current laws allow Crown counsel to request judges to detain innocent crime victims for up to 30 days to compel testimony. This is a practice that can retraumatize the victims and contribute to a higher risk of violence, self-harm and suicide. Immediate legislative reform is needed to prevent treating victims as criminals, including practices like incarcerating victims alongside their perpetrators.

A dedicated network of Métis justice system navigators is crucial for guiding Métis individuals through the legal process, connecting them with trauma-informed, culturally safe supports and ensuring access to specialized courts like mental health courts.

Culturally grounded victim services and transitional supports for youth who are aging out of care are also essential to mitigate the impact of system neglect and to improve life trajectories for Métis people involved in many of these systems. System navigators support Métis women, children and 2SLGBTQQIA+ kin by ensuring programs are developed with a culturally based, gendered and intersectional framework that addresses unique vulnerabilities such as intersecting identity factors.

This approach includes providing age-appropriate, culturally sensitive education and resources on topics such as healthy relationships, safe dating and gender-based violence.

LFMO, along with all orders of government, should develop a media campaign to correct the misconceptions about people. This campaign should focus on addressing historical discrimination and systemic factors that increase vulnerabilities for indigenous women and children by promoting awareness through a strength-based narrative that emphasizes identity, resilience and pride.

We advocate for an allocation of funding for public education campaigns that highlight the unique experiences of women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ kin, emphasizing the impacts of racism, sexism and colonization. Focus should be given to community-focused implementation of reconciliation activities aimed at reducing racism and building safer, more vibrant communities, through fostering understanding and respect for various perspectives and intersectional experiences.

One piece that keeps falling on the shoulders of indigenous women is the concept of us fixing our men and boys. It is not our responsibility to heal the perpetrators who've impacted our lives and to fix non-indigenous males who've inflicted several harms on us. We strongly recommend that fixing men becomes a man's issue and not a woman's issue.

In closing, we call for the following awareness and action: use the term “femicide”, acknowledge the systemic nature of femicide and its impact on these marginalized communities, support initiatives that address structural inequalities contributing to gender-based violence and femicide, and commit to fostering collaboration with indigenous and marginalized communities to advance prevention and protection services.

The one last thing that I'd like to say is thank you to all the witnesses who came here as survivors and family members of victims to be able to tell us their story today.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you very much for your testimony as well.

Our last witness this morning is Mr. Carolo.

You have the floor for five minutes.

[Humberto Carolo, Chief Executive Officer, White Ribbon]

Good morning.

First of all, it's a real honour to be with all of you today.

Ninety-nine per cent of perpetrators of sexual violence toward women and girls are men.

Ideologically motivated violent extremism now has its own category of gender-based violence, with 75% of profiles belonging to boys and men.

Boys who are bullied are overrepresented in misogynistic, hate-fuelled mass murders, and research has shown that online communities that promote radical extremism are directly linked to real-life violence.

Unchallenged bullying in boys leads to men who assault.

Ninety per cent of all sex extortion victims are boys and young men.

My name is Humberto Carolo. I'm the chief executive officer at White Ribbon. I am a member of the Department of National Defence and Canadian Armed Forces' external advisory group for the Sexual Misconduct Support and Resource Centre. I'm also a member of the Ontario Government's Domestic Violence Death Review Committee.

I am based in Toronto, on the traditional territory of many indigenous nations, including Anishinabe, Huron-Wendat, Seneca and the Mississaugas of the Credit.

Today, I'm appearing as the CEO of White Ribbon, a Canadian charitable organization that engages men and boys in the prevention of gender-based violence.

It's important to point out the stark realities that exist for men and boys, and the impact of those realities on women and girls and gender-diverse people. Sadly, we continue to socialize our boys and men to be prone to perpetrate violence, and then wonder why our collective efforts aren't reducing the rate and prevalence of gender-based violence.

Gender-based violence and femicide are issues of prime importance to me, professionally and personally, as I have dedicated my professional life to its eradication. As a boy and young man, I grew up with this violence, watching the women I love experience that violence at home and in my community. I am an adoptive dad of three young men who lost their birth family to poverty, addictions and domestic violence. I stand in solidarity with those of you who have been directly impacted by this violence, and I pledge to support your calls for justice and action.

Another way of life for men and boys is possible. White Ribbon's vision of our future is one free of all forms of gender-based violence and discrimination. This isn't a theoretical or idealistic goal but one that is absolutely achievable within a fully resourced, long-term, multi-faceted prevention plan that focuses across the lifespan.

Findings from Ontario's Domestic Violence Death Review Committee coroner's inquests have repeatedly shown that gender-based violence is not only predictable but also preventable. Yet, primary prevention is significantly underfunded. In our 33-plus years of existence, White Ribbon still does not have core funding. Primary prevention saves lives. It heals. It changes people's life paths. It creates new societal expectations of acceptance, non-violence and equity. It focuses on the root cause—the unhealthy socialization of men and boys.

Gender-based violence is perpetrated almost entirely by men, young men and boys who were taught, enabled and, in many cases, victimized, traumatized and moulded over countless generations to adhere to attitudes, behaviours and social norms of unhealthy masculinities. These intergenerational life lessons inform how men and boys act in the world, and our society's expectations of them. However, we can create a better future.

A long-term multi-faceted prevention strategy is needed, one that reaches into our homes to help men accept accountability, to develop the skills of healthy relationships and to benefit from fatherhood and role model programming. It also offers healing support to boys and young men who have witnessed violence.

We need our schools to equip them with strength-based positive programming to foster resilience and capacity in boys and male educators. We need our sports to promote healthy masculinities, equity, safety and respect for women, and the fair recognition of women in sports. We need to change the deeply entrenched, sexist, hyper-masculine norms, views and attitudes of the online toxic ecosystems and to inoculate against the harmful influences through building resistance, reducing a person's tendency to support the ideology, and reducing the credibility of deeply misogynistic and hateful influencers.

Extensive school resources, parenting education and social media campaigns are needed. Our workplaces need to implement best practices of male allyship, bystander intervention education, training for management and staff, and a holistic approach that supports survivors, enhances policies and utilizes public education campaigns.

Our communities need to offer community-based programming that teaches and role-models healthy masculinities at each stage of development for boys and young men. We need our social norms to help boys and men to increase their emotional IQ, enable them to understand and adhere to equity values, develop strong skills in empathy and compassion, and normalize healthy masculinities.

I started this speech with some pretty jarring statistics to demonstrate the gender aspect of who is perpetrating this violence. Primary prevention efforts that focus on changing social norms in men's and boys' attitudes and behaviours are the exact way we change our culture, so that gender-based violence stops and is not carried on by the next generation. It's the formula for creating our future free of gender-based violence.

Let's confine gender-based violence and femicides to Canada's history and create the world we all desire for ourselves and for generations to come.

Thank you very much. Meegwetch.

[The Chair, Conservative, Shelby Kramp-Neuman]

Thank you all for your sensitive opening remarks.

At this point we will begin our round of questions. We do have a rather large panel today, so I would ask all members and witnesses to be very mindful of the time. I was a little bit lenient during the opening remarks to make sure that every witness was able to express their thoughts. Just be mindful of that, so we can have a robust two rounds of healthy dialogue. Thank you.

Dominique, you have the floor for six minutes.

[Dominique Vien, Conservative, Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, QC]

Thank you very much, Madam Chair.

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for making yourselves available today to share your thoughts with us.

Ms. Tremblay, welcome back to the committee.

[Diane Tremblay]

Thank you for inviting me back.

[Dominique Vien, Conservative, Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, QC]

Ms. Tremblay, in your testimony, you said that the laws were designed for criminals.

[Diane Tremblay]

Yes.

[Dominique Vien, Conservative, Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, QC]

You also said that you had to fight for your safety. Let's go back to your tragic story. You were a victim of domestic violence for a number of years. How many years was it?