Evidence of meeting #15 for Status of Women in the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was victims.

A recording is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

Members speaking

Before the committee

St-Pierre Gaudreault  Advisor, Policy Issues, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes
Monastesse  Executive Director, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes
Anderson-Pyrz  President, National Family and Survivors Circle Inc.
Sauvé  President, National Police Federation
Richer  Lawyer and Director, Rebâtir
Ahélo  Lawyer, Rebâtir

5:10 p.m.

Advisor, Policy Issues, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Julie St-Pierre Gaudreault

I'll offer a brief answer and then turn it over to my colleague.

Our member shelters systematically report that a number of police officers refuse to do anything about non-compliance with section 810 conditions.

It's important to know those figures as well to understand the scope of the situation. Not only do we need accurate data about instances of non-compliance in family and domestic violence cases, but we also need data on the police response when there are notices of non-compliance, reports, requests for protection and peace bonds.

5:10 p.m.

Executive Director, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Manon Monastesse

In our practice, we see women who have to deal with frequent occurrences of non-compliance with section 810 peace bonds. They call the police numerous times, trying to convince them to take action. They shouldn't have to do that. What we're seeing on the ground is that section 811 is often not enforced. What is the point of section 810 if section 811 is not enforced?

Unfortunately, we rarely see the enforcement of section 811 because we don't have access to the data. This is hellish for women, because non-compliance with conditions can go on for years. We also know that section 810 recognizance expires after two years. Women are then continually harassed.

5:10 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you so much.

We're going now to Ms. Cody, for five minutes.

5:10 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

I want to thank everyone for coming out today and talking to us. I know this is a really critical situation, as we've seen situations and crimes actually increase and the harm to women.

Madame St-Pierre Gaudreault, last November, at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, you made some powerful statements. You said that violence perpetrated online can lead to physical violence or even femicide and that we must therefore find a way to intervene at the source.

As we know, breaches are no longer responded to, nor does section 810 work. I would like to hear about your observations from the field.

5:15 p.m.

Advisor, Policy Issues, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Julie St-Pierre Gaudreault

We've certainly seen an increase in violence. I imagine you've seen the latest cases of femicide that took place in Quebec. In 2024, there were 25 femicides, and I believe there have been 16 so far this year. In the latest cases, the perpetrators had a lengthy criminal history.

The main reason we're here today is to talk about assessing how dangerous these offenders are and about how police services and all professionals who come into contact with victims of violence handle these cases. That is one of our major concerns. We believe there is a problem with the dangerousness assessment.

In the report we submitted to you before our appearance, in addition to the offender dangerousness assessment, we recommend the use of GPS ankle bracelets. This should be standard in high-risk cases. This practice is used in Quebec. It's not a panacea, and it can indeed create a false sense of security, but high-risk cases need to be better assessed. In addition, concrete measures must be put in place to protect female victims and better monitor perpetrators.

Ms. Monastesse, over to you.

5:15 p.m.

Executive Director, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Manon Monastesse

That's why the dangerousness assessment is crucial. We know that the biggest red flag in the assessment is domestic violence in previous relationships. That's often the case.

When it is the case and it's clearly indicated in the Quebec coroner's report, the possibility of femicide is extremely high. That's what we see in the situations we've studied. We're concerned about the dangerousness assessment because, unfortunately, the offender can accept it or reject it in court.

I don't know whether, legally, it's possible to say that a particular case involving domestic violence or sexual assault would justify the use of this assessment, if the offender is considered too dangerous. The assessment is a crucial part of the release process.

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

Connie Cody Conservative Cambridge, ON

Thank you.

We're running out of time, so I'd like to share the rest of my time with my member colleague, Frank Caputo.

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

Frank Caputo Conservative Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola, BC

Thank you.

I was particularly interested when you spoke about risk assessments, because I have a private member's bill called “Bailey's law”, Bill C-225.

I see you nodding your head. Are you familiar with it?

A voice

Yes.

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

Frank Caputo Conservative Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola, BC

It responds to the killing of Bailey McCourt. I was very disappointed by the Liberals' tone when it was in the House of Commons, because Bill C-225 builds within it a risk assessment at any stage of the proceedings. Right now, a person can be brought before the court only when they breach. Bill C-225 would allow a victim to apply for a risk assessment at any time in the proceedings. In other words, the person hasn't broken the law, but the red flags are there.

Again, I see that we have four Liberals in the room. I urge them to speak to their colleagues about this most fallacious position that they have put forward.

I would like to put to you this idea of having a risk assessment and how important it is. I would love your feedback on Bill C-225.

Thank you.

5:15 p.m.

Executive Director, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Manon Monastesse

We fully agree that a risk assessment is a crucial part of the process and should not depend on an offender's willingness to say yes or no. It should be done automatically and on an ongoing basis as part of the process, as you said.

5:15 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

That's the end of your time.

We will now go Madame Ménard for five minutes.

Marie-Gabrielle Ménard Liberal Hochelaga—Rosemont-Est, QC

Thank you, Madam Chair.

Thank you, Ms. St‑Pierre Gaudreault and Ms. Monastesse. Unfortunately, our colleague Mr. Caputo will have to listen back to your answer, Ms. Monastesse, because he was having what he found to be a fascinating conversation with someone else and wasn't listening to your answer.

We need your expertise because, in the fight to end violence against women, all three levels of government have to pull their weight. At the federal level, we can obviously take action with respect to the Criminal Code.

Both of you have mentioned a number of times that the problem lies with enforcement.

What role do you think the federal government could play?

You both said that the law is there. It may be imperfect—it's up to you to tell us—but the tools are there. It sounds like maybe they aren't being used to their full potential.

I'll start with you, Ms. St‑Pierre Gaudreault. I'll then invite you to comment further, Ms. Monastesse.

5:20 p.m.

Advisor, Policy Issues, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Julie St-Pierre Gaudreault

Of course, we knew that we were coming here to discuss section 810 and its enforcement. Most of the challenges have to do with enforcement by the police. We know that this is a provincial problem, but the fact remains that there are concrete measures that the federal government can take to amend certain conditions related to section 810.

As I said a bit earlier, that could involve providing for specific sections related to domestic and family violence. That's doable on the federal side. Providing for specific conditions also means naming them in a concrete way. It could be a no-contact order or a weapons prohibition, for example. Direct possession of a gun or even access to a firearm at home is a known factor that makes it possible to identify a situation with a high risk of femicide.

That means that certain conditions can be established to better protect female victims and to better define the level of danger. Once those conditions are put in place and clearly linked to a specific context of family violence, intimate partner violence or violence against women in the general sense, it will be much easier for police forces to ensure compliance in the event of conditions being breached.

It will definitely be necessary to coordinate those measures with the provinces and territories and provide training to ensure that the measures are applied consistently across the country.

That's a first step, and it's up to the federal government to implement it.

5:20 p.m.

Executive Director, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Manon Monastesse

Since the Criminal Code falls under federal jurisdiction, its enforcement has to be better aligned with the provinces and territories. We ourselves and our colleagues at shelters across Canada can see that the enforcement of the Criminal Code varies greatly from coast to coast to coast.

For example, there are things being done in Quebec but not elsewhere. I'm thinking specifically of risk assessment, which is possible in some provinces but not necessarily in Quebec. That's a major problem.

We've often called on the federal government to take a leadership role. It should have much more sustained discussions with the provinces and territories on how they enforce the Criminal Code. That way, victims can rely on a certain degree of harmonization in police practices.

We strongly support the proposal that the federal government take a leadership role and that bilateral discussions be held on the enforcement of the Criminal Code.

As Ms. St‑Pierre Gaudreault said so well, we also want a follow-up on documentation. Statistics have to be accessible. That's a problem. For the justice system to improve, the enforcement of the Criminal Code has to improve. That's a central, even crucial, measure.

Marie-Gabrielle Ménard Liberal Hochelaga—Rosemont-Est, QC

I have about 30 seconds left. I'll let you continue, Ms. St‑Pierre Gaudreault.

We'll change the topic in the next round of questions.

5:20 p.m.

Advisor, Policy Issues, Fédération des maisons d’hébergement pour femmes

Julie St-Pierre Gaudreault

I'll try to be brief.

I'd like to add that, for us, the solution doesn't necessarily involve strengthening the Criminal Code or always having stricter criminal measures. Rather, it involves applying concerted, complementary measures. I'm talking about better assessments, better training and the use of tools that already exist.

That means it isn't necessary to keep strengthening the Criminal Code to provide for harsher penalties. That isn't the priority on the ground.

5:25 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you very much.

That concludes our first panel for today.

I'd like to thank our witnesses for their time and their testimony. We're going to suspend briefly while we bring in the next panel of witnesses and come right back.

Thanks so much.

5:25 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

I'd like now to welcome our witnesses for the second panel.

We have, from the National Family and Survivors Circle, Hilda Anderson-Pyrz. I hope I'm pronouncing that correctly.

We also have, from the National Police Federation, Brian Sauvé, who is the president. With us by video conference we have Rebâtir, with Marie-Claude Richer, counsel and director, and Catherine Ahélo, counsel.

For those who are on Zoom, if you want to choose your interpretation language at the bottom of your screen, you can pick English, French or the floor audio, which gives you both. Please wait until I acknowledge you by name before you speak, and when you're not speaking, if you can please be on mute that would be terrific.

Those in the room, you know what you're doing.

We're going to begin with the opening statements for five minutes. I'm going to be ever so helpful. When you have one minute left, you'll see the one-minute card, and when you have 30 seconds left, you will get the red card, just like in soccer. I will be ever so gentle at the end of your time, to move us along so that we can begin the rounds of questions.

We will start with Hilda Anderson-Pyrz for five minutes.

Hilda Anderson-Pyrz President, National Family and Survivors Circle Inc.

Thank you, Madam Chair and members of the committee.

My name is Hilda Anderson-Pyrz. I'm the president of National Family and Survivors Circle Inc., an indigenous-led and distinctions-based organization representing families of missing and murdered indigenous women, girls, two-spirit and gender-diverse people and survivors of gender- and race-based violence.

I honour all indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people who are missing or whose lives have been taken far too soon and those who have experienced violence.

I speak to the lived realities of indigenous women and gender-diverse people across this country, realities shaped by systemic racism, colonial violence and chronic failures across policing, corrections and the courts.

These failures are heightened in rural, remote and northern communities, but they are present everywhere. The national inquiry into missing and murdered indigenous women and girls made this clear. The violence indigenous women face is not accidental or isolated. It is structural. This is the foundation of calls for justice 1.1, 1.7 and 1.10, which outline the core obligations of governments to create safety. These foundational calls guide all the reforms I will speak to today.

Section 810 orders are intended to protect, but for many survivors they are protection only on paper. Survivors describe being dismissed by police, minimized in court or spoken to with racist and victim-blaming assumptions. These experiences violate the principles laid out in call for justice 5.4, which requires trauma-informed, culturally safe and bias-free policing and justice responses.

Even when a peace bond is issued, its effectiveness depends entirely on enforcement. The Office of the Correctional Investigator has documented chronic communication failures, inadequate release and planning, and a lack of survivor notification. These gaps are why call for justice 9.1 requires timely, reliable and survivor-centred information sharing. Without functioning systems behind them, peace bonds become symbolic, rather than protective.

The Shawn Lamb case was a clear warning. The recent statutory release of Shawn Lamb, who pleaded guilty to killing two indigenous women in Winnipeg, demonstrates what happens when systems rely on conditions on paper but lack meaningful enforcement and oversight. Despite being assessed as a high risk for intimate partner violence and sexual reoffending, Lamb was released into the community. Survivors and families expressed fear and rage, and rightfully so.

The case underscores critical gaps in enforcement of conditions, communication between justice bodies, survivor notification and community preparedness. These are precisely the issues highlighted in call for justice 16.27, which demands real accountability across policing, corrections and the courts, and call for justice 1.10, which calls for transparent coordinated systems that protect survivors and do not endanger them.

Survivors have told us time and time again what real safety requires. Each of these needs connects directly to the specific calls for justice. They tell us that safety begins with indigenous-led, distinctions-based, wraparound supports, which is exactly what call for justice 5.1 directs governments to provide. They tell us that they need culturally safe, trauma-informed policing and justice responses, so that racism, stereotyping and dismissive attitudes do not put them at further risk. This aligns directly with call for justice 5.4.

Survivors also need reliable, timely, survivor-centred information sharing, especially around releases, breaches and changes in conditions. That is a core requirement for call for justice 9.1. They need real accountability across policing, corrections and the courts, so that no system and no institution can continue failing them without consequence. This comes directly from call for justice 16.27. They remind us that safety must also include healing and rehabilitation for those who cause harm, something clearly laid out in calls for justice 7.1 and 7.3.

All these needs rest on the foundational human rights principles described in calls for justice 1.1, 1.7 and 1.10.

I propose five priorities.

The first is to recognize coercive control and patterns of harm. Expand section 810 to cover coercive control, stalking, technology-enabled abuse and escalation that has not yet produced physical assault.

The second is to improve enforcement and policing capacity by creating specialized intimate partner violence units serving indigenous communities, setting minimum staffing benchmarks for remote detachments, and mandating training on coercive control and colonial violence.

The third is to fix information sharing and survivor notification by establishing real-time integrated information sharing among police, courts, corrections, parole, indigenous governments and service providers, with automatic survivor notifications for releases, breaches and conditions changes.

The fourth is to reduce the burden on survivors by allowing trusted third party applications for orders, funding indigenous court navigators and survivor advocates, and providing legal aid and ensuring transportation and accessibility supports in remote regions.

The fifth is to have indigenous-led data and oversight by collecting distinctions-based data on orders, breaches and outcomes led by indigenous organizations under OCAP principles, and using the data to set national standards and require accountability.

In closing, this is not simply about amending one section of the Criminal Code. It is about transforming the systems that continue to fail indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people. Peace bonds alone do not create safety. Indigenous-led, rights-based, community-grounded systems create safety.

5:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you.

5:35 p.m.

President, National Family and Survivors Circle Inc.

Hilda Anderson-Pyrz

The calls for justice tell us this. Survivors tell us this. Families tell us this. If section 18 is to hold meaning, it must be strengthened through the structural reforms grounded in the inherent rights of indigenous women and girls.

Thank you.

5:35 p.m.

Conservative

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you.

Your five-minute period is far over. You can get the rest in when we go to the questions.

I'll turn now to Brian Sauvé for five minutes.

Brian Sauvé President, National Police Federation

Thank you, Madam Chair.

Thank you, members of the committee, for the invitation.

I am Brian Sauvé, a sergeant in the RCMP and president of the National Police Federation, the union representing about 20,000 of our members across Canada.

Women's safety, particularly from intimate partner violence, remains one of the most pressing and persistent challenges facing our country. Despite ongoing efforts and public awareness, too many women continue to live in fear or lose their lives at the hands of a partner or a former partner.

According to Statistics Canada, in 2022 there were more than 117,000 victims of police-reported intimate partner violence. Nearly eight in 10 were women and girls. Women disproportionately experienced the most severe forms of this violence, at rates three times higher than men.

Section 810 of the Criminal Code plays a vital role. It allows law enforcement and courts to act before harm occurs by imposing conditions such as no-contact orders or geographic conditions and restrictions. These peace bonds can literally save lives, especially when supported by consistent follow-up and enforcement.

However, as our members see every day, legislation alone cannot protect victims. The effectiveness of section 810 and related reforms such as Bill C-75 and Bill C-5 depends on adequate resources, timely communication and coordinated enforcement. Without those, even the best laws risk falling short. We welcome the government's commitment to bringing forward legislation this year to better address intimate partner violence, and we encourage that process to include meaningful consultation with law enforcement and survivors to ensure that the legislation's intent translates into real-world protections.

Based on our members' experience, there are three areas where we see that improvements could be made.

The first is investments in effective monitoring and compliance systems. While section 810 provides courts with the tools to set conditions, its success depends on how well those conditions are tracked and enforced. Currently, there is no single national database tracking section 810 peace bonds or the related conditions. Provinces and territories need to invest in modern monitoring systems that allow police to track compliance in real time.

Ontario's bail compliance dashboard is an excellent example. It gives officers quick access to an individual's bail status and conditions, and it is intended that it be expanded to include intimate partner violence offenders. This type of system supports accountability and faster responses to breaches. Other provinces should look to Ontario's model as a best practice, incorporating electronic monitoring as enabled by Bill S-205. Integrating these systems nationally would strengthen enforcement and protect victims across jurisdictional lines.

The second area is modernizing privacy laws to enable information sharing. Effective monitoring and enforcement require more than just technology; they require the ability to share data securely and consistently.

Currently, Canada's privacy laws limit how information about offenders can be shared across police services and jurisdictions. To truly protect women and children, governments should review and update their privacy frameworks to ensure that critical information about high-risk individuals can move with them between provinces and territories. This can and must be done while maintaining strong protections for personal information.

Modern interoperable systems and updated privacy legislation will allow section 810 to achieve its preventive purpose, ensuring that no matter where an offender moves, police and victims remain informed and protected.

The third is resources and capacity. RCMP members work to enforce peace bonds, conduct compliance checks and respond to breaches. Our members' workloads are heavy, particularly in rural and remote areas where one detachment with as few as two members may cover hundreds of kilometres. When a breach occurs and response is delayed because there are simply not enough police officers available, the sense of safety for victims erodes quickly.

Although Canada's homicide rate declined in 2024, the number of women killed by intimate partners increased. Additionally, the proportion of women whose deaths were caused by a spouse or intimate partner rose from 32% in 2023 to 42% in 2024, about seven times higher than for men.

These are not just numbers. They are a stark reminder that without sustained investment in resources and victim support, Canadian women and children will continue to pay the price.

Thank you. I welcome any questions you might have.

The Chair Conservative Marilyn Gladu

Thank you so much.

I will now give the floor to the representatives of Rebâtir.

Ladies, you have five minutes for your opening remarks.