Status of Women Committee on Feb. 3rd, 2026

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

Thank you for that.

For the final five minutes, we'll go to Mr. Chen.

[Shaun Chen, Liberal, Scarborough North, ON]

Thank you, Madam Chair.

I'll begin with Ms. Haddish.

For survivors of sexual violence who also identify as two-spirit, LGBTQ+, Black, indigenous or racialized, are crisis services and supports sufficient for them?

[Dina Haddish]

Thank you for this question.

Crisis services are essential, but they're not currently sufficient to fully address the compounded barriers that come with systemic racism, discrimination and culturally unsafe services, which make disclosure and access to support more difficult. Services exist, but gaps still remain in providing culturally relevant, safe and trauma-informed approaches.

Centres do provide excellent support services, but structural inequities mean that some survivors experience additional barriers preventing full access to services. It definitely is an area that needs further investment.

[Shaun Chen, Liberal, Scarborough North, ON]

It sounds like there are lived experiences that need to be shared to better understand the compounded barriers that women of colour, for example, face. Why do you believe those stories are not being heard?

[Dina Haddish]

When we think about rates of sexual violence, barriers to accessing reporting are already very high. Survivors facing repeated barriers without clear support reinforces the sense that their safety and voices are not prioritized.

Structural and effective action in that way requires investment from government in services to increase access to culturally relevant and sensitive services, not only for racialized folks but along the gamut of trans, two-spirit and gender-diverse survivors, to ensure that services are being not just replicated but tailored to specific contexts, marginalizations and structural barriers that folks experience.

[Shaun Chen, Liberal, Scarborough North, ON]

Thank you.

What can the federal government do to better support survivors experiencing intersectionality and to ensure that organizations are working to address diverse needs in a culturally responsive way?

[Dina Haddish]

I think the biggest thing governments can do is support this by funding organizations to provide specialized programming. Sexual assault centres are operating at a deficit year over year to provide services. There are lengthy wait-lists. It's about funding organizations to provide services, period, but expanding that support to provide specialized programming for culturally relevant services, rooted in training staff in equity and cultural safety, is also extremely important.

[Shaun Chen, Liberal, Scarborough North, ON]

Can the federal government do this work alone? Can the federal government solve this issue alone? Who are the other stakeholders who you believe need to be at the table to contribute to addressing these issues?

[Dina Haddish]

Absolutely. Violence prevention and response are the responsibility of all of us. It supersedes federal governments. It's federal, it's provincial, and it's at the local and grassroots levels as well. A piece of that responsibility lies with governments at all levels to ensure that we're not only providing [Technical difficulty—Editor] instances of gender-based and sexualized violence as they occur.

[Shaun Chen, Liberal, Scarborough North, ON]

Thank you.

In speaking of the last 10 years, I know that we've seen in provinces and at other levels of government legislation being introduced that excludes and is harmful to trans and gender-diverse youth. How do policies like this impact the overall objective to create a more equitable society for women?

[Dina Haddish]

I would say that policies that are not inclusive of trans and gender-diverse survivors and youth create barriers, prevent access to services and reinforce stigmas, which undermines the goals of survivor-centred support and sexual violence prevention as a whole.

When we create equitable policies that can ensure that services, education initiatives and support services recognize and respond to instances of violence for a variety of gender identities, they create safer spaces for youth to come forward, to access help and to participate fully in prevention initiatives.

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

That is the end of our time for the first panel.

I want to thank all the witnesses for their contributions today. That was great.

We'll suspend briefly to bring in the next panel of witnesses, and we'll come right back.

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

We are back at it.

Before we introduce our new witnesses, I just want to give a few reminders. For the witnesses here in the room, you'll be able to get your hearing devices and set which language you want—English, French or the floor, which gives you both. It is the same on Zoom. It's at the bottom of your screen. I would ask that you wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. If you want to speak, raise your hand. For those on Zoom, please use the “raise hand” function. All comments should be addressed through the chair.

Let me introduce our witnesses.

We have Francis Dupuis‑Déri, full professor and member responsible for the chantier de recherche sur l'antiféminisme of the Réseau québécois en études féministes at the Université du Québec à Montréal.

We have Dr. Kyle Ganson, assistant professor at the Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto.

We have Pascal Vaillancourt, director general of the Interligne organization.

Welcome to all of you.

Mr. Dupuis‑Déri, we'll start with you for five minutes.

[Francis Dupuis-Déri, Full Professor, Chantier sur l'antiféminisme, Réseau québécois en études féministes, Université du Québec à Montréal, As an Individual]

Thank you very much for having me. It's a real pleasure to be with you. I am pleased that the House of Commons is studying the issue of anti-feminism.

Along with others, I've been researching anti-feminism for over 20 years now. I've been awarded research grants. I've conducted research in partnership with women's groups in Quebec. I've published, as author or co‑author, many books on anti-feminism. Some have been published in multiple languages. My work is cited regularly.

I'm currently completing research that might interest you on sexist, homophobic and transphobic students in Quebec's public elementary and secondary schools, in partnership with the Fédération autonome de l'enseignement, a union of elementary and secondary school teachers. We met with about 50 teachers. During my career, I have conducted probably at least 150 individual or group interviews with feminists on the issue of anti-feminism and handed out 200 questionnaires on the subject.

I will share my definition of anti-feminism with you. You've heard it from other experts as well.

Anti-feminism is a broad movement with various currents. As in all social movements and political forces, there are different currents, trends and priorities among anti-feminists. There's obviously religious anti-feminism. There are also nationalist anti-feminists. My interests lies mainly in the anti-feminism known as masculinism. This is the narrative that men are in crisis because of women, feminists and the feminization of society. It is often based on a narrative that refers to pseudoscientific theses, common sense, the stone age, mammoth hunters, comparisons of human beings with animals, often primates, or hormones. However, the pseudoscientific references are generally false, misleading and misunderstood.

The vast majority of masculinists are men, but some of them are women, as was mentioned in the previous panel.

In my book La crise de la masculinité; autopsie d'un mythe tenace, a study of this type of narrative, I found, based on the work of historians, that in the west, in Europe and North America, people have been saying that men are in crisis because of women for at least 500 years. In fact, today, men in every country, whether Haiti or the United States, whether they are the poorest or the most powerful in the world, say they are in a crisis of masculinity, whatever the political system, whatever the legal code, as we have heard for centuries.

I will continue quickly because I know my time is limited.

According to my understanding and my thesis based on socio-economic, sociopolitical and socio-cultural criteria, variables and indicators, men are not in crisis today because of women and feminists in Quebec and Canada. However, even a false crisis narrative can still have political, social and cultural ramifications.

A crisis narrative creates different things in the public sphere. First, it targets a problem. During the COVID‑19 pandemic, the cause of the problem was obviously the virus. In this case, the problem is women and feminists. Women and feminists are designated as a problem for society, a problem for the family and a problem for men. A crisis narrative that is part of the public sphere designates victims. In this case, it's men, primarily heterosexual men, but also boys. A crisis narrative that is brought into the public sphere necessarily calls for help. It calls for resources to be mobilized to help victims. In this case, men are asking for resources and saying that too many resources have gone to women.

It sometimes even leads to misinterpretations, even from women's perspective. I noticed, for example, that last year the federal Department for Women and Gender Equality celebrated International Men's Day on November 19. In a way, it fell into the trap of masculinists, who were ecstatic. They want this international day, which has no official or institutional status, to be recognized. However, the Department for Women and Gender Equality decided to fall into the trap.

I will conclude by saying that the crisis can be expressed in extreme ways. In Canada, unfortunately, Ontario was the target of three anti-feminist attacks in 2018, 2020 and 2023. Two happened in Toronto, once with a van and once with a knife. Then, in June 2023, in a gender philosophy class at the University of Waterloo, the professor was attacked with a knife and two of her students were injured. All three attacks were overtly anti-feminist.

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

Thank you so much.

Now we'll go to Dr. Ganson.

You have the floor for five minutes.

[Kyle Ganson, Assistant Professor, Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, As an Individual]

Thank you so much, Madam Chair and members of the committee, for the opportunity to be here today.

The core problem I really want to highlight is the way that problematic masculine gender norms turn the male body into a social project, a visible performance of power, dominance and control. In this context, 25% of boys and men are engaging in any muscle-building behaviour; one in five boys is exercising to build muscle every day of the week; and 6% of males will use anabolic-androgenic steroids in their lifetime.

For many, this is not merely about fitness or aesthetics. It is about adhering to an ideal of manhood that carries significant social and political meaning. Online platforms supercharge this dynamic. Boys and men are drawn into endless feedback loops that insist that their worth, status and even safety depend on how their bodies look and perform. These loops are saturated with influencers and communities across social media that position the male body as a symbol of transformation, functionality and social power.

Social media serves as a deep well of how-to knowledge for achieving and maintaining a muscular, lean and strong body and a chiselled, attractive face. Current trends like looksmaxxing and mainstream manosphere ideologies, namely that boys and men must maximize their attractiveness to compete in a world where they believe girls and women now have the power, are associated with appearance obsessions linking physical attractiveness to self-worth and comparisons that turn the body into a battleground, framing failure as personal inadequacy and success as a way to reclaim power.

The mental and social health consequences are significant. For many boys and men, the pursuit of these ideals is accompanied by anxiety, compulsive routines and deep insecurity rather than well-being. What's more, many of these behaviours correlate with physical fighting, weapon carrying, criminal offending, intimate partner violence and polysubstance use.

We know that eating disorders and muscle dysmorphia are also on the rise among this population. Many boys and men will be drawn into virtual spaces that promote misogyny and extreme ideologies, leading to anti-feminist beliefs.

There are three drivers to explain why these behaviours and ideas take hold.

The first is the idea of belonging. These communities provide a sense of identity and brotherhood, fostering mutual support and collaboration toward shared goals that many boys and men struggle to find elsewhere.

The second is status. The body becomes a visible marker of worth. Muscularity and physical attractiveness signal power in online and off-line hierarchies.

The third is control. In a world where many boys and men feel increasingly powerless, the body and the symbolism attached to it promise a way to regain control—of course, often at the expense of others.

What should we do? The solutions must be targeted, multi-faceted and interdisciplinary, and they must be framed to call boys and men in and not push them out.

I offer five integrated recommendations drawn from this analysis.

First, we need to reframe masculinity as positive and inclusive and avoid isolating language. Using terms like “toxic masculinity” can alienate boys and men, hardening grievances and fuelling backlash. We should highlight how masculinity can be positive and inclusive to encourage more boys and men to participate in change efforts.

Second, we need to build and fund positive male communities. We need mentorship, coaching and peer engagement initiatives that reduce isolation and foster healthy environments where boys and men can practise connection, accountability and care without relying on the dominance script.

Third, we need to destigmatize and provide resources for mental health in boys and men. Share messages that normalize help-seeking for issues that are often seen as feminine, including anxiety, depression and poor body image. Help boys and men develop the language to identify, understand and express their thoughts and emotions clearly, and then create the space to listen.

Fourth, we need to promote health and media literacy with a critical perspective on masculinity. Help boys and men identify harmful online communities and health behaviours and encourage reflection on the body ideals associated with masculinity. This literacy inoculates against algorithmic feedback loops that tether self-worth to dominance and appearance.

Fifth, we need to address the root of the issue and enhance regulations for online platforms that enable the spread of content negatively impacting boys and men. Eliminating algorithmic rabbit holes and feedback loops that push men towards harmful content will help them, no matter what.

In closing, if we understand how the male body is being used to perform and perpetuate problematic masculine gender norms and how online platforms supercharge this dynamic, we can build pathways towards healthier, more equitable expressions of masculinity. These pathways keep boys and men engaged, reduce harm and improve mental and social health outcomes for boys, men and everyone else around them.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

Thank you.

Now we'll go to Monsieur Vaillancourt.

You have the floor for five minutes.

[Pascal Vaillancourt, Director General, Interligne]

Thank you, Madam Chair, for this invitation.

First of all, I would like to thank you for welcoming me.

My name is Pascal Vaillancourt and, since 2015, I have been the director of Interligne, formerly known as Gai Écoute, a community resource created by and for LGBTQ+ communities.

For 45 years, our flagship service has been a help, listening and information line available 24 hours a day, seven days a week, across Canada, in English and French. Each year, nearly 20,000 people use our service by chat, by telephone or by text message.

Although the majority of requests and services come from Quebec, since 2022, we have been actively working to raise Interligne's profile across Canada, particularly within francophone minority communities. Our team is trained and accredited in prevention and intervention for people experiencing suicidal ideation, which is essential in the current context of increasing distress.

Through our help, listening and information service, Interligne receives the stories, suffering and distress of LGBTQ+ people and their loved ones. Since the pandemic—but especially over the past two or three years—we have observed a clear intensification of this distress. There are more calls involving suicidal ideation and an increase in requests for help related to psychological distress. These findings are consistent with the minority stress model, which shows that repeated exposure to stigma and hostile discourse deteriorates mental health, leading to anxiety, depression and suicidal thoughts.

Our internal statistics from the help line confirm significant increases in the following categories: discrimination and racism, up more than 308%; victims of violence, up 110%; concerns regarding the social climate and political context, up more than 119%; gender dysphoria, up 529%; and needs related to psychotherapy or support services, up more than 293% over the past year. We do not claim a single causal explanation, but these increases are consistent with the spread of hostile discourse that we document in our services and in our interventions.

To strengthen our observations, Interligne commissioned the polling firm Léger in 2024 to conduct a nationwide survey on the mental health of LGBTQ+ communities. A total of 86% of LGBTQ+ respondents reported at least one mental‑health challenge in the past year, compared with 64% of respondents outside the community. Seventy percent fear a rollback of rights, and 68% report experiencing at least one situation of discrimination or insecurity in the past 12 months. These results align with what we observe daily through our help, listening, and information services.

How does anti‑feminist ideology fuel homophobia and transphobia?

On the ground, we're seeing that anti‑feminist ideology and anti‑LGBTQ+ discourse are increasingly intertwined. Under the guise of protecting women or children, narratives of moral panic and biological essentialism are used to exclude trans women and to normalize hostility toward LGBTQ+ communities. These dynamics, which are well documented in academic research, contribute to social polarization, the normalization of hate, and a significant rise in violence, with harmful effects both for LGBTQ+ communities and for the women who are ostensibly being “protected”.

Let's talk about trans women, particularly the targeted violence and discrimination they face.

Through our listening line and our legal clinic, a substantial portion of reported situations concern transphobic violence aimed specifically at trans women, such as workplace discrimination, refusal of housing or loss of housing, harassment, and explicit threats. These realities align with academic work conducted in Quebec and Canada on heightened vulnerability when public discourse delegitimizes identity and rights, including research from UQAM's research chair on sexual diversity and gender plurality.

Let's turn to the rise in generalized violence.

What our teams see day after day is a clear rise in violence. Calls and reports describe more frequent and more overt assaults, as well as threats and harassment that shift from the street to digital spaces, and vice versa. Dating apps, which should be spaces for social connection, have for many become places where they are exposed to hatred: homophobic or transphobic insults, organized traps to lure gay men or trans people into situations of intimidation or assault, and increased reliance on community-based protection mechanisms. We're talking about the sharing of screenshots in trans peer groups, peer‑to‑peer alerts, and so on. The result is fear, withdrawal, and chronic stress, with measurable consequences that we hear and respond to on our line every day.

Let's talk about our presence in schools.

In educational institutions, discomfort around LGBTQ+ issues is increasing, and hateful discourse is becoming normalized. During our classroom interventions, we hear more and more violent comments directed at these communities. Boys are significantly more likely to express such comments, according to what we observe and what community organizations working in these environments report.

Once again, we're also seeing the instrumentalization of rhetoric that presents itself as feminist in order to open the door to transphobic discourse. The idea is to “protect women” by excluding trans women. This is a form of benevolent sexism described in social-psychology research.

This context makes prevention more difficult, weakens safe educational spaces, and exacerbates the distress experienced by LGBTQ+ youth and by our facilitators, who now face at times intimidating comments in the classroom.

In conclusion, what we observe at Interligne through our listening service, our legal clinic, our work in schools, and our other programs confirms the reasons behind the deep distress experienced by LGBTQ+ people, which was also reflected in our 2024 Léger survey. The rise of a more radical and ideological right, along with anti-feminist ideologies, isn't merely theoretical. It's intertwined with anti-gender movements, fuels homophobia and transphobia, normalizes violence, and worsens psychological distress, particularly among trans women, non-binary people and youth. In this context, we must stand together. We therefore believe in the importance of strong political commitment to maintaining support resources for LGBTQ+ people, where quick and appropriate access—

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

Thank you. I'm sorry to have to interrupt you.

[Pascal Vaillancourt]

That's fine. I was done.

[The Chair, Conservative, Marilyn Gladu]

We may have some questions for you.

We're going to start with Ms. Vien.

Ms. Vien, you have the floor for six minutes.

[Dominique Vien, Conservative, Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, QC]

Thank you, Madam Chair.

Good afternoon. Thank you all for making yourselves available today.

Mr. Dupuis‑Déri, welcome and thank you for being here today. I have many questions for you.

You said that men are not in crisis because of women. Are they in crisis? If so, why?

[Francis Dupuis-Déri]

My position is that we, as men, are not in crisis. That being said, men can have issues. Obviously, there are areas, realities and sociological consistencies that show that men have certain issues on a number of fronts.

If we look closely, however, we see that it's not because of women and that women are not mainly making the decisions. I'm thinking of socio-economic categories, for instance. We know that major socio-economic decisions are most often made by men. If men have issues, then women are not responsible for these issues, except of course when it comes to interpersonal relationships, where person X can obviously feel sad because of person Y.

[Dominique Vien, Conservative, Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, QC]

You defined antifeminism and said that it's a movement with several undercurrents, including religious and nationalistic ones. Your interest is with the masculinist ideology.

Is there or could there be some intersectionality between the three? I'm referring to my earlier question to Mr. Boursier.

[Francis Dupuis-Déri]

Good question. When we started to study these issues with sociologist Mélissa Blais in the early 2000s, there was the separated and divorced fathers movement, who were sort of the public voices for the masculinist movement. I don't know if you remember that. We were curious and wondered where they stood on racism, immigration and so on. We didn't really find anything.

What we see today—and I think Mr. Boursier mentioned this with regard to the Internet—is an increasingly closer amalgamation of far-right positions, which are, unfortunately, much more prevalent now in our societies than they were 20 years ago, and masculinist ideologies. These ideas have resonance and find an echo in today's society. Both ideologies use mostly the same logic: they're victims of minorities, immigrants, other religions, the gender-diverse community and women. It's all about presenting men of the white majority as victims of something and stating that they need help. So there's a form of allyship there.