Thank you, sir.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to take this opportunity to thank the committee for allowing me to make one more appearance before the end of my term as the Veterans Ombudsman.
I was invited to appear before the committee to explain the activities of the Office of the Veterans Ombudsman.
I would also like to use this occasion to reflect upon lessons learned in the almost three years that I have served as Canada's first Veterans Ombudsman.
For example, in the recent case of the Dyck family, I firmly believe that the way Brian, Natali, and little Sophi Dyck were mistreated illustrates everything that is contemptible and wrong about the way Veterans Affairs Canada treats our veterans and their families.
Brian Dyck served in the Canadian Forces for more than 10 years, especially during the first Gulf war.
In a subsequent career as an Ottawa city police officer, he fell victim to ALS, or Lou Gehrig's disease, a fatal disease whose cause is unknown today.
The United States government has determined that people who have served in their military have a much higher propensity for early-onset ALS than the general population. The chances of military personnel who served in the first Gulf War contracting early-onset ALS are even greater.
The statistical evidence is so compelling that the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has ruled that any military person who served in the Gulf War who contracts ALS will immediately receive full benefits. If Bryan Dyck had served in the U.S. forces, their DVA would have launched immediately to support him and his family.
Not so in Canada. To the contrary, in fact, in a letter dated May 27, 2010, the deputy minister of Veterans Affairs Canada went to great lengths to describe why our Canadian system does not support veterans who contract early-onset ALS.
The Office of the Veterans Ombudsman recognized the reasons were completely fallacious, reflecting not the letter of the law as it was intended to support our veterans, but overly restrictive policies and practices deliberately imposed by senior bureaucrats and central agencies to preserve the public purse. The Office of the Veterans Ombudsman therefore undertook to ensure that all Canadians shared the Dyck family's great sorrow and hardship as Brian died a slow and painful death before their very eyes.
I also wanted Canadians to witness first-hand how Veterans Affairs Canada was cheating the Dyck family out of the veterans’ services and benefits they deserved. At the same time, we urged the family to have the department's decision reviewed by the Veterans Review and Appeals Board.
Here is a quick chronology. The Office of the Veterans Ombudsman petitioned the Veterans Review and Appeals Board to expedite the Dycks' hearing, which they did on September 8; the Prime Minister intervened on Friday, September 17, pledging to provide help to Canadian war veterans fighting this deadly disease; the board rendered a decision in favour of the Dycks on Monday, September 20, although they reported to Global News they had made their decision before the Prime Minister's announcement; Brian Dyck died tragically on October 8; and on October 15, the Minister of Veterans Affairs Canada announced that Canadian veterans diagnosed with ALS will no longer have to fight for health and financial benefits.
Several issues are particularly disturbing in this case.
First, the deputy minister herself justified the decision to deny the Dycks their benefits. She explained that the statistical evidence in the U.S. studies is not sufficient proof in Canada. Paraphrasing her rationale, she argued that our adjudication process requires that a veteran either display symptoms of ALS while in an operational theatre or be able to prove a direct relationship to military service. However, when the case came under serious scrutiny, the board readily reversed the department's decision, based on the findings of those very studies. This demonstrates how truly arbitrary and susceptible to undue influence the system is.
Second, had the department applied the “benefit of the doubt” clause as it was intended, they would have approved the Dycks' application in the first place. Promoting this case as an intervention on behalf of veterans suffering from ALS conceals the reality that many thousands of veterans continue to be disadvantaged by their excessively high burden of proof. The minister's announcement on October 15 was self-serving and cosmetic, demonstrating a preference to mask the symptoms of a severely diseased system rather than bite the bullet and effect substantive change that, once and for all, will ensure our veterans will be treated fairly.
Mr. Chairman, I have been asserting since my press conference on August 17 that the culture of Veteran Affairs Canada and the Veterans Review and Appeal Board has to be changed, and this case is clear proof that it does.
Up until now, I have placed the blame for the poor treatment of our veterans squarely on the shoulders of senior bureaucrats. While I am more than committed than ever to the substance of my accusation, parliamentarians are also deserving of the shame for the shoddy treatment of our veterans.
What we are witnessing today are some very good lessons in very poor leadership. Leadership is not a position. It's the relationship with followers that is defined by trust, confidence, and loyalty. The leader of a group of lost children trying to find their way out of the woods is not the child at the front of the line. The leader is the child with an idea of how to get out of the woods and the courage to try. A leader without vision, and the moral courage to pursue that vision, is nothing but a manager.
Shame on Veterans Affairs Canada for preferring to manage this crisis they find themselves in and maintain the status quo. Shame on Veterans Affairs Canada for blaming the rank and file for the deplorable way our veterans and their families are treated.
Veterans, departmental staff, and board members need leaders they can trust and have confidence in, leaders with a vision of how to fix this terrible system and the courage to challenge the institutional rot and obstructionism. The insurance company culture of denial must be forever eradicated from Veterans Affairs Canada and the Veterans Review and Appeal Board.
In case you do not have a vision to initiate enduring change in the culture of these organizations, today I will offer you my priority to-do list.
First, as we speak, members of the CF and the RCMP are sacrificing their lives for the government agenda, yet veterans have very little influence on the system that looks after them. Relationships with the major associations are superficial at best.
Therefore, veterans deserve dedicated representation inside the machinery of government. The government should legislate the Office of the Veterans Ombudsman so that parliamentarians cannot exert undue influence and bureaucrats cannot manipulate or obstruct it. I have proposed a drafting instruction, which is included at flag three of my presentation.
Second, the standard of proof that the department and the Veterans Review and Appeal Board expect veterans to meet is interpreted as per the balance of probabilities in civil tort. This is wrong. Legislation intends a much lower standard in the so-called benefit of the doubt. A more accurate interpretation is enclosed at flag four, based on much of the writings of this report I have beside me, the Woods committee report, which goes into a great deal of depth on the philosophy about the way we have treated and should be treating our veterans.
Third, the Veterans Review and Appeal Board is the only federal tribunal that fails to make its decisions public. Therefore, it should be directed to start publishing its decisions forthwith, and former decisions should be admissible as evidence in the appeals process.
Fourth, the Veterans Review and Appeal Board currently employs the same staff for both reviews and appeals. This collective approach lends itself to undue influence and potential bias. Therefore, the board should be compelled to have dedicated and separate review members and appeal members.
Fifth, veterans who wish to appeal board decisions before the Federal Court must do so at their own expense. The Bureau of Pensions Advocates should be empowered to represent select cases in the Federal Court when it is felt there is potential to serve the greater good.
Sixth, the Veterans Review and Appeal Board has been selective in how it adheres to decisions of the Federal Court. They should be compelled to conform to those decisions that are advantageous to veterans and their families.
Seventh, the department's capacity to conduct research is very limited and has had little impact on improving the treatment of our veterans. Veterans Affairs Canada should therefore be directed to be more proactive in effecting research that benefits the veterans community by partnering with other organizations and by adopting research conducted by allied nations.
Eighth, the government's commitment to keeping veterans programs and services current and relevant is simply woeful. Therefore, the department must be mandated to actively and frequently update programs and, when required, to urge the government of the day to make amendments that reflect leading-edge knowledge, best practices, and lessons learned, to advantage veterans and their families.
Ninth, the department's aversion to taking risks is excessive, and the control measures they employ cause an unacceptably poor standard of service for veterans. Therefore, Veterans Affairs Canada should be compelled to decentralize decision-making to the levels and locations where it will best advantage veterans and applicants.
Tenth, departmental adjudicators will not communicate directly with veterans and applicants to ensure that applications are accurate and complete, which causes unacceptable turnaround times, confusion, and wasted effort. Therefore, Veterans Affairs Canada should be directed to engage directly with veterans and applicants, as is the practice with other service providers of government.
Eleventh, the inefficiencies in the system can cause the adjudication process to literally take years, but the retroactivity upon approval is limited. Government should mandate that retroactivity be applicable to the date of first application.
In conclusion, these are only a start. They are some positive steps towards destroying the insurance company culture that fails to fulfill the obligation of the people and Government of Canada towards the veterans who have served this country so well and to their families.
These are measures that the government of the day can effect with a sweep of the hand, in the same way that it recently injected $2 billion into the system. Without substantive and enduring cultural changes to the system that mistreats our veterans, however, any promises of improvement are as shallow as Brian Dyck's final breaths.
Merci.