Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise to speak to this bill this afternoon. I say that because it gives me an opportunity to address the House on a bill which affects the very group on whom we place great hope for our future, our youth.
I am going to approach the bill from three advantage points: as a parent, as a women previously in pre-doctoral studies, and as an elected representative; but first let me set the stage in terms of our current employment scene because it is inextricably linked to the financial security of our students.
It is alarming to know that Canada is described as a country of structural unemployment. This means that after each of the recessions experienced over the past 20 years unemployment has declined but overall has remained higher than before each of the recessions.
The International Monetary Fund has placed the blame squarely on generous unemployment benefits which discourage job hunting; greater unionization, centralized wage bargaining and high minimum wages which reduce labour market flexibility; and high non-wage costs which discourage hiring. These are the realities of our job market, not a promising set of circumstances by any stretch. Yet this is what awaits those with high hopes, those who graduate from our universities and colleges and enter this jobless market.
The effects of this situation spill over into summer job opportunities, jobs which mean financial survival for most students. Recent figures show an alarming trend in summer employment opportunities. Current unemployment rates for 15 to 24 year olds remain at 1993 figures, that is 18.1 per cent. This is up from 17.9 per cent in 1992, 14.5 per cent in 1991, and 10.5 per cent in 1990. Students have expressed outrage and now many feel apathetic toward a system of diminishing options.
This bill is not only timely. It is absolutely necessary to meet the needs of students in a recovery where there are few jobs, little choice and scarce money. Bill C-28 contains some positive elements and as a parent I commend the government for recognizing that our present system for educational funding is outdated.
Like most families with children in university, mine had to find a balance between parental financial support and other sources to sustain a university education. Our children have worked part time to augment their costs and until they reached 21 years of age this was a satisfactory arrangement. However it was our family's choice beyond that point that our children looked to extending that support network to include government student loans.
It should be noted that it has become increasingly expensive to sustain a reasonable standard of living while attending university. Even with the combination of parental support, a part time job and a student's loan, financial worries remain a consideration and a burden to most students. Our children were no exception.
I recognize like most Canadians that in 1994 our colleges and universities are in a state of crisis. Nobody agrees with this more than administrations, faculty, staff and students either attending or looking forward to attend university or college.
Here are some examples of the problems that post-secondary institutions face today. Federal transfers to provinces fail to keep up with the rate of inflation. Tuition fee increases are inflexible and capped at low levels. There is an ever increasing demand by the public for access to institutions of higher learning. University and college staff unions are demanding and
winning continuing wage increases that are higher than those in the private sector.
The Canada student loans program or CSLP is an important program. I am pleased the government recognizes that it needs reforming to make it more effective. However it is unfortunate that the government sees the CSLP as the only problem with Canada's post-secondary educational system.
Any student loans program should preserve and enhance the quality and accessibility of post-secondary education, but Bill C-28 fails to do so to any meaningful extent. Despite significant changes in post-secondary education and its clientele, student assistance programs have remained relatively unchanged since coming into existence in 1964-65. Although joint studies of student aid needs have been undertaken on occasion they have not resulted in any formal agreement among federal and provincial governments for a new a comprehensive students assistance program.
In the five-year period between 1988-89 and 1992-93 the university tuition fee price index for Canadians increased by 58 per cent. This means that during that five-year period the adjusted cost increase to a Canadian student was 58 per cent. When one factors in the cost of living adjustment it is easy to see why students are clamouring so loudly about increased costs of education.
During that same time period there was no commensurate increase in loans for students to access. Students were expected to pay substantially increased costs. Yet they were provided with no opportunity to access more funds. As a result more students took jobs to pay for their courses. The effect of this has been to increase the average length of study to five years for what was once a four-year degree program. Because the degree takes five years the student's gross costs increase. This means a student is required to access yet more loan support.
In effect by allowing costs to increase in this manner without increasing access to loans, the government increases its cost to itself. When students are in the system longer they take up more resources. When their loans are larger they are more inclined to default given the repayment system of the past. Ultimately the decision not to increase student loans cost the government more than giving the loans would have done.
The best proposal in the bill is to increase by 57 per cent the limit on the loans to students. Interestingly the increase to 57 per cent on loan limits was a recommendation made in a study commissioned by the department of the secretary of state in 1990. However the study made 13 recommendations and this is only one of the 13 recommendations that the government is implementing. Even more intriguing, the government is choosing to implement some proposals that were not recommended by the study at all.
The government says that it is interested in hearing constructive ideas to help it do its job. However it seems content to ignore constructive suggestions commissioned by the government from independent non-political organizations and paid for by the taxpayers of Canada. It ignores them unless the ideas fit with its preplanned agendas. These are often developed in the back room with little attention paid to the realities facing Canadian families.
One of the proposals in the legislation which does not come from the government study is a plan to provide grants to meet the exceptional cost of women students in doctoral studies. I should remind the House that the study of the secretary of state made no recommendations for any grant or loans to women in doctoral studies. For that matter, it made no recommendations for any grants or loans whatsoever that discriminate on the basis of gender.
The wording of the legislation suggests that women have to endure more or exceptional costs as doctoral students. However I believe that women do not incur any more exceptional cost as doctoral students than men do. Many of us have families and mortgage considerations at this point in our careers. When I was a masters candidate and a Ph.D. candidate I did not incur any cost that would not have been equally carried by any of my male colleagues.
The intent of the legislation must not be to redress exceptional costs that women face but to redress the fact that there are limited post-graduate opportunities for mid-career professionals in Canada. Our current programs are inflexible, lacking creativity, and most certainly do not respond to the private sector needs of advanced training and skills requirements.
As well an attempt to redress the statistical difference in the larger numbers of male candidates over female candidates should not be accomplished in such a blatantly discriminatory fashion. The numbers of women in post-secondary institutions have been increasing steadily without violating the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I do not understand why there is such focus on affirmative action tactics when in my view they are completely unnecessary.
In fact the number of women enrolled full time at universities increased by 79 per cent between 1975 and 1990, while during the same time period the number of men increased by only 19 per cent. Presently women constitute at least 50 per cent of full time students in both colleges and universities and 54 per cent of all part time university students. In 1990-91 women constituted 55 per cent of students at the college level, 53 per cent of full time undergraduates, 45 per cent of masters graduates, and 34 per cent of Ph.D. candidates.
It is clear that women are very well represented in our colleges and universities. They have managed to do so without affirmative action. The implication that women are unable to compete adequately at the doctoral level without special assistance is quite unacceptable to me. I am sure this assumption is one that I and most women and men reject. There is ample evidence to suggest that women can compete fairly on an even playing field at the doctoral level in their studies.
In 1975, 23.9 per cent of all doctoral students were women. In 1993 the 35 per cent figure that I mentioned demonstrates this. This is an increase of 11.1 per cent in 18 years. It is a healthy increase. Yet we must do more to ensure that these numbers grow by ensuring opportunities for both men and women who reach this level of their academic careers.
What is needed is a student assistance program that allocates funds to students on the basis of need. When need is the sole criterion, gender fails to be a consideration. Everyone may apply for a loan regardless of their gender. They must only be able to demonstrate a need for the loan.
When this bill goes to committee I am certain the House will see the wisdom in removing such an uninspiring and discriminatory program and will include male doctoral students also.
I stated earlier that I would also speak as an elected representative and offer helpful alternatives to deal with the crisis our students in post-secondary institutions are facing.
The unemployment rate is still 11 per cent. The government seems content to undertake little action and to let it remain at that high level. It was reported in this weekend's Financial Post that the unemployment rate for 18 to 26-year olds is close to 18 per cent. Given these staggering figures, it is clear that students will have problems getting jobs and repaying their loans.
The Canadian Federation of Students, the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada, and the federal government's commissioned study are all recommending income contingent repayment programs. This legislation only waves a hand in the direction of this recommendation by introducing pilot projects. It should put its fist firmly down and introduce the program in its entirety across the country.
As well, the government has spoken of its commitment to quality education in Canada. It has a wonderful opportunity to show Canada the depth of its concern. It could make the transfer payments for education to the provinces indexed with the annual rate of inflation.
What is also needed today is leadership that will establish a national standard of post-secondary education in a flexible environment. More and more Canadian businesses are introducing flexible work hours for their employees. What is needed in the educational system are equally flexible study programs that meet the needs of professionals who are attempting to re-enter the post-secondary education system.
What we need today in Canada is not a government that simply looks at short term solutions to problems. We need a government that cares enough to look to the future in order to provide solutions that will guarantee long term, high quality education in Canada. This government should appreciate all of the ideas shared in this debate.