Mr. Speaker, it is very interesting that the just made speech across the way is very typical of Liberal damage control. If you have a problem point your finger, accuse someone else and say it is all their fault. Are the people of Canada fooled by this? No, sir.
I would like to address the people of Canada on this motion. I take the word of my colleague a while ago. The word is shame. It is a terrible shame. The people are not going to be fooled by this. Closure is a shame. It is a travesty of democracy. You know it and you are going to pay for it.
The biggest shame however is figuring out what the motivation is. What has been the motivation across the way to dampen debate, to cut out debate, to stifle it? Could it possibly be that we do not want to hear any countervailing arguments? Could it be even that you want you want to catch your plane? Could it be that the Bloc Quebecois joined in because they want to catch their plane home? Or could it be that there was a little deal struck here? If so, more shame.
This is the first time that I have personally had to undergo this sort of a travesty. I will not forget it ever and I assure you that the voters of Canada will not forget it either.
I say to the hon. member for Nunatsiaq who mentioned his dream that I sincerely hope, sir, that this will culminate in a dream for your people and a dream come true for the people of the Yukon. I hope, because of the ill-consideration of all of the facets of this, that it will not turn a dream into a nightmare.
I would like to underline a few principles that the Reform Party applies to native issues. The first is equality not among just natives but equality among all Canadians. The second is self-reliance. In this we mean elimination of the department of Indian affairs. The third would be the right to self-determination, the freedom to choose not to have the federal government or band councils impose lifestyle.
The fourth would be self-sufficiency, native self-government fashioned after municipal government models with input from all other Canadians. The fifth would be treaty negotiations, fair resolution of all past, present and future native and non-native obligations involving input from all Canadians. Finally, we believe in settling land claims through a fair negotiation involving all Canadians and not just orders in council.
This bill addresses some basic problems concerning the role of the House of Commons. It has always been my belief as a non-politician, perhaps as a naive Canadian, that this House is here to represent the interests of all Canadians. Obviously that means all Canadians without regard to race, religion or ethnic background. I sometimes believe this to be true particularly if I talk person to person with members of this House, even across the way. There are other times however when party machinery gets into gear and I doubt very much at that time that the common wheel of all of Canada is the objective. The handling of Bills C-33 and C-34 certainly raises such doubts. If there was any doubt before tonight that doubt is out the window now.
The original purpose is no doubt well-intentioned but its execution here in Parliament raises very fundamental questions about the operation of the House. What is the hurry? We have to ask that in the case of these two bills. What is the hurry?
We have legislation here of the greatest importance that, as we have heard, has been worked on for over 20 years, legislation that will have a profound influence on the future of Canada, legislation so voluminous that it has to be measured in inches and weighed in pounds and the government says: "Okay, look at it quickly, now get on with it".
The situation was well described when we heard about this for the first time by my colleague from North Island-Powell River when he said:
Mr. Speaker, yesterday we had the introduction of Bills C-33 and C-34 which would ratify land claims and self-government agreements in the Yukon. Last week we were told the government wished to have these bills introduced later in June with the understanding that MPs would have time to prepare properly.
These bills represent the culmination of 21 years of mostly behind closed doors work without the involvement of federal parliamentarians. Today, 24 hours after tabling, Parliament is being asked to debate these bills at second reading.
This is an obvious abuse of power. The Liberal red ink book speaks of the integrity of Parliament. Surely assimilating over nine inches of text overnight with a rushed departmental briefing the next morning does not speak well of the integrity of Parliament or the interest of all Canadians. This action is a travesty of Parliament.
Since then, because of the limited time for debate and in reaction to the government's desire to get the bills passed, the Reform Party has had to drag out discussions of the bill in committee. Here we are back in the House. We were hoping to forestall any precipitate decision on the bills but obviously that is out the window as well.
We have an obligation to the Canadian public, not just us but all Canadians, to let the public know what is going on.
Remarkably, the same hasty panic occurred in the House a year ago when a similar bill zipped through the House in a single day. That was Bill C-133 which created Nunavut. Bill C-133 dealt with one-fifth of the Canadian land mass. In effect it created a new province, therefore affecting the Constitution of the country. It allocated $580 million to 17,000 Inuit. Bill C-133 was rushed through the House in one single day on June 4, 1993.
The opposition agreed with the bill. What deal was made? In spite of the enormous implications of that bill the Canadian public did not react. Why did it not react? Timing and orchestration. Rush a bill through. Restrict debate and nobody is the wiser. What was going on there and what is going on here? What on earth is the hurry?
I can only identify two people who spoke out against Bill C-133. One was the Reform member for Beaver River; the other was Pat Nowlan, the then member for Annapolis Valley-Hants. I would like to quote from of Mr. Nowlan's remarks, he being an independent Conservative. After he gave a little plaudit, Mr. Nowlan went on to say:
I speak almost with a forked tongue. That gets into the substance of the agreement I am glad to say is here today. It has to be put on the record that I am totally against the process. To have had the minister of Indian affairs speak for 18 minutes as he did in introducing this bill at second reading does not even begin to equal the 15 or 16 years it took to get the agreement. The member for Comox-Alberni said 20 or 25 years-If there was ever an example of a dead Parliament doing dangerous things, this bill sadly is it. This bill should not have been brought in in the closing days of Parliament, the last weekend before we rise. Whether we come back, we do not know.
He was prescient, was he not? Look at the similarity of that situation one year ago today to what we have here in this House tonight. I go on to quote, time coming up.
With all the good things the minister of Indian affairs and other speakers have said about it, this bill has the potential of nation building, of bringing the Inuit into the federation on some of the major points of the agreement.
That was his cry of shame, that the thing was not properly debated and considered.
In summary, we have had a shame before this House this evening. I hope the people of Canada will lock it away and remember it.