Mr. Speaker, this is our third bill this afternoon. We shall continue, but our differences are now going to surface. We could agree on the first two bills, but we can only go so far. When we get to the excise tax on gasoline, our views will no longer coincide.
Bill C-90 contains a number of acceptable measures to which we have no objection. For instance, bringing the price of cigarettes
back to levels that are less an incentive to consumption. Provided this does not resurrect the smuggling network and does not give them that opportunity, I think it is satisfactory. Everyone expected this, if we want to keep fighting cigarette smuggling from the point of view of law enforcement and avoid encouraging people to buy this product, on health grounds.
Of course we have some questions, because there are a number of problems we will have to deal with in connection with anti-smoking campaigns. We need a plan with a very clear-cut purpose to ensure this campaign does not encourage smoking, especially among the young and young women, where smoking is very widespread. We will have to find ways to restrict tobacco consumption.
I will be very brief about this aspect. I agree that reducing the excise tax probably helped to destabilize smuggling rings, but there was not much in the way of law enforcement. Smuggling still exists because we have not dealt with the real problem. We may have the same problem with other products. It could happen whenever the tax on the product is unreasonably high. That is one reason we have to be careful in the case of gasoline, because there is a limit to what the public will tolerate.
When we consider the price of gas, when we break down the price at the pump, fortunately people do not see the real price, because taxpayers would be rather upset. The price includes a lot of different taxes. So many that we may have gone too far, especially-and this was said by the Canadian Automobile Association-since there is no guarantee that this money is invested in highway maintenance or used to compensate for environmental damage. It all goes into the consolidated fund, and there is no way to find out how this revenue is used.
In fact, they were in favour of creating a fund to ensure that gasoline taxes are used to compensate for the impact on the environment or reinvested in road maintenance. They did not talk much about an environmental fund, but if this initiative ever went ahead, one option would be to bypass the consolidated revenue fund and put part of this tax revenue into environmental funds.
There are other measures, including an air transportation tax, which would increase the maximum tax on international air travel from $50 to $55. This is no big deal, but when we consider taxation in general, after two years in the House, after everything that has been said and heard and discussed on the subject, the tax on gas was discussed in the last budget and this was basically a fiscal measure to quickly raise $500 million.
The purpose of this tax was to raise revenue fast. The air transportation tax was affected as well, and once again, it was changed at the expense of people in the regions, because they reduced the tax on short haul flights but the tax on longer flights was increased, in the case of domestic flights, which means that people in Baie-Comeau, Val-d'Or or Rouyn, in my region, are now faced with a tax increase of several dollars. It is not much, but the price of plane tickets was already very high.
But the major tax initiative, the campaign promise, was not to increase gasoline taxes, but to change the tax on goods and services. That was the campaign promise. The subject was raised in the House and studied in committee. The committee gave a report, which, if memory serves me, lasted 17 or 18 hours. The next day in the House, the Prime Minister distanced himself from the report, because the committee-and when I refer to the committee, I am excluding myself and the Bloc Quebecois-proposed a tax, a sort of hybrid tax on business activities mixed in with the GST, in other words, a very short lived and now shelved proposal.
The Prime Minister's promise was that two years after the Liberals arrived in power, let us give them two and a half years-so we will say January 1, 1996-the GST would disappear. Both during the election campaign and in the House, I have heard the Prime Minister say: "We hate this tax and we are going to eliminate it". Now, whether he hates it less or whether he is not going to eliminate it, the Prime Minister is no longer saying that he will eliminate the GST.
Is the magic gone? What happened? There is no more mention of it at all, just as with every hot item here in Ottawa. The government gives the illusion of working on real things, but the legislative agenda is sparse. They are all more or less contentious matters, which have already been announced, whereas we are still waiting for measures on pension reform and on unemployment insurance reform.
What of the new human resource investment fund that is to be set up by the Minister of Human Resources Development, which is very important and will involve the reform or dismantling of the network of employment centres? Everyone is waiting to see it to get an idea where the federal government is going, but only a minimum of information is being provided, because of the political context in Quebec, and the federal government does not want to tell us clearly what is happening.
It is a bit unfortunate, particularly on the part of people like the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, who is taking pleasure in saying that the Government of Quebec is hiding things or studies. Well, here they are keeping what will happen after the referendum really under wraps. The people do not know what is going on. They have a hard choice to make, and I understand them, but when they look at the No side, they see nothing. They do not know what will happen to them. It will be a matter of trust. Are they going to trust the people who represent this camp, the present Prime Minister? If I were he, I would be worried. I am not sure people are going to give him a blank cheque to do what he likes afterward.
We are entitled to expect to know what initiatives the government plans to take. It remains silent, however. About the GST, though, I would like to remind them, because the opportunity is too good to miss, that they made promises to the people. In the finance committee, we heard just about anything. That tax is a bad one, everyone agrees on that, on a number of things.
The underlying principles are not all bad in it, but some government members were saying that the black market economy was due in large part to the GST. There are limits. Let us not exaggerate. The figures bandied about were surprising. The government was said to be losing billions of dollars in revenue just because people did not accept the GST. There is some truth in that, but not in the proportions they were talking about in the elections or before the committee.
Nevertheless, this was their opinion. They have all become silent about the GST. Apparently there was some discussion about it in caucus before Parliament resumed. There has been some discussion but not much in public, and in the long run the hope is that people will forget.
Implementing a reformed tax is not easy. The main criticism of the GST by business was the short time between when the decisions were made, when the tax was defined, and when it was implemented. Since it was all done very rapidly there was a great deal of confusion. This has moreover never been settled completely because there are still close to a billion dollars in unsettled accounts or unrecovered taxes, in large part the result of the initial difficulties many people experienced in understanding the tax.
If they want to reform this tax before the end of their mandate, there is not much time left for defining the rules. It is surprising that we are not hearing about it any more. These are people who are asking Quebecers to write them a blank cheque and trust them at their word. And yet, during the election campaing, they promised to do away with this tax and replace it with something else. Since that something else has not been defined yet, the first part is irrelevant. Nobody is currently looking for something else. Once in a while, the finance minister uses fancy words to tell us that he is holding discussions with his provincial counterparts, but are all these discussions leading somewhere? Where is this getting us?
We know full well that they were hoping for a Liberal government in Ontario, which would have been more inclined to cooperate; as we know the main stumbling block to revamping this tax is the fact that Ontario still taxes inputs used in the manufacture of other goods. For instance, a piece of wood used to manufacture a piece of furniture becomes an input when processed.
In Ontario, a number of inputs are taxed, apparently to the tune of a few billions of dollars. If both taxes were harmonized, Ontario would stand to lose substantial revenues.
As a result, far from being simple, the tax system is relatively complex. Quebec went ahead with harmonization but this reveals once again one of the fundamental problems of the current political system in Canada, which is the result of the federal government's spending power allowing it to spend in any area it chooses; but to do this it must collect money.
Since all governments, either provincial or federal, collect money the same way, through income tax and other taxes, the stakeholders are numerous. More particularly in Quebec, because in Quebec we never really had any confidence in receiving money indirectly through transfer payments. If we look at what is going on now, perhaps we did the right thing; it is still far better to get tax points than transfer payments, because sooner or later the government could very easily be tempted to cut them.
That has really complicated the system for people. For businesses as well. I am often asked by business people in my province what the concrete advantages for us would be if Quebec were to decide to take control of its own destiny and be fully autonomous, while maintaining relations with our trade partners? When we talk with them, they soon realize that there are very concrete, immediate advantages for them, and I am happy to underline that to my Reform colleague. Indeed, there will be only one taxation system.
For them, that means a lot less paperwork, a lot less trouble, and it is a lot easier to understand. It is the same for individuals. One need only think of the spring, when the deadline for income tax returns is near; we get out our receipts, our employment statements, our unemployment insurance statements or other papers, and have a look at them to fill our income tax returns. It is extremely complicated.
Not much effort is put in making things simpler. Eliminating one level of government will already be an improvement in that area. For starters, this natural tendency towards duplication, with two levels of government collecting money they are free to spend as they please, will no longer be an issue.
This is one of the major problems with this political system in which a $500 billion debt was accumulated without any concrete steps being taken to restructure the federal government's spending power, this power to spend that eventually turned into the power to get into debt. What was achieved by this in concrete terms? With respect to employment, it did not even succeed in preventing unemployment and joblessness from reaching unacceptable levels.
There is one lesson to draw from the current situation and that is that we just cannot keep our heads buried in the sand all the time and claim on the basis of any odd statistical report that we are living in the best country in the world. It is not true that we have to hide behind this kind of thing.
I went to a school of administration where we studied cases, problem cases, and ways of resolving them. The first step in a good diagnostic, and the same applies to our personal circumstances, it is always the case, is to admit a problem exists. When I see people who refuse to admit there is a problem, even when it is staring us in the face, then the problem is compounded. I think that the people should not feel reassured, even though they have been told that in future administrative agreements will be negotiated or other ways will be found to improve the system. Unless we change the basic rules, we will always have problems.
It is unfortunate that we in Canada have trivialized such an important word as "constitution". A constitution sets out the rules of the game. Before sitting down to play a parlour game, people should first agree on the rules. If, in the middle of the game, they start to disagree on how the rules should be interpreted, they will have problems. That is what is happening with our Canadian constitution. We cannot agree on the rules of the game but we are not redefining them. This creates a lot of problems. We have tried to change the rules over the years but all our efforts have met with failure.
A country that is afraid to discuss its constitution is a sick country. A country whose prime minister refuses to use the word Constitution because he is not very proud of it is a country with a lot of problems. And this is what we see in Canada, at present. They say: We do not want to talk about it. They are ashamed. They are ashamed because there are past events they would rather not refer to.
Having said that, I would like to come back to the bill before the House and state that we cannot support the tax on gasoline, which raised the price per litre by 1.5 cents following the last budget. Since these taxes are often not visible, we tend to forget about them. After a couple of days, we forget about them, but I now have the opportunity to remind all those who are listening that they should not forget the 1.5 cent increase per litre they have been paying these last few months, because of the federal government and the measures undertaken in the last budget to generate $500 million.
Taxpayers are willing to let the government raise more taxes if it keeps a better control over its spending, but it is frustrating to give more and more money to the government and feel there is no real improvement in our debt situation.
It is all very fine to say that the Minister of Finance is likely to meet his deficit target of about $32 billion this year, but that still leaves us with a $32 billion deficit.
With our economic situation and the likelihood of a slowdown in the United States-maybe not later this year, but next year-that could affect Canada too, there is no guarantee we will still be on track with our public finances. The Conservatives had reduced the deficit to an acceptable level, but when the recession came about, it went out of control. It is a bit like trying to cram something into a box. When the box is too full, it just bursts open.
I think the same thing is happening now. Every time the box bursts open, it becomes harder and harder to pick up the pieces. The deficit has now reached a level that is extremely high.
We are certainly not willing to support measures aimed at increasing government revenues when there is still so much to do in terms of reducing government spending.
In conclusion, I want to remind the government of its commitments, one of which was to review the GST. We thought that it was too little, that the whole tax system needed to be looked at. We offered our help but the government refused. We did a detailed study of the GST in committee. Recommendations were made but the government never followed up on those recommendations, particularly those of the Bloc Quebecois, which were the best among those contained in the report. The day after the report was tabled, the Prime Minister himself rejected a recommendation made by the Liberal majority.
So they have commitments. They say they are people of their word and look after the real problems and are concerned about them. During the election campaign they said they were going to change the tax. We are still awaiting outcome and are eager to see what happens.
The Minister of Health, who was on the finance committee herself at the time, must really know what is happening with this tax. They must have been studying it when it was introduced. The time has come for them to act and to stop hiding behind all the illusions they are giving the public about getting down to the real problems. Because in reality, nothing much happens in this House, except for the legislative agenda, which drags on and must be adopted. The real issues have to be put on the table so we can see what they are really going to offer the people. We will be able to do much more enlightened things.