Madam Speaker, I had prepared a 20-minute speech, but still. Stimulated as I was by the hon. member for Dartmouth, I could have gone even longer. At the outset, I would like to say it is annoying to be called to order when, on the introduction of a Canadian bill, we, of the official opposition, claim the issue of power sharing is not relevant.
It is exactly because we are the official opposition that we have to point out that, in a bill like this one, the confusion is such that it can only cause major problems, or else, and this is another possibility, this bill does not mean anything.
Before continuing, I would like to remind the House that when provincial premiers met recently on the unity train, they were confronted with a new document on social union proposed by Ontario. A document by Mr. Tom Courchene proposing what exactly? The co-ordinated management of Canadian federalism by the provinces, without taking into account the province of Quebec and the willingness of a great number of Quebecers to achieve sovereignty and to negotiate a partnership.
There is a problem of distribution of powers within Canada. Our reform colleagues talk about it in their own way by saying there must be decentralization. Others, such as Ontario and British Columbia, talk about it differently, saying the provinces must manage Canada. And there is Quebec, which jealously wants to maintain its historic prerogatives for its people. I do not accept the lesson given by the hon. member for Dartmouth. And I think I can say on behalf of the Bloc that we do not accept it.
Let us talk now about this great bill, worthy of a Captain Canada, who has invaded territorial waters that were not his, to seize a ship he had no right to. The motive was noble, but the means amounted to taking justice into one's own hands. In international institutions, this is not particularly appreciated.
I would like to talk about the "whereases" that precede the bill and that seem to make it a proposal from a convention rather than a bill, even though Parliament is mentioned.
Since I do not have much time, I will go right away to the first and third amendment. We could talk about the others, but I think these are the most important.
It reads:
Whereas Parliament wishes to reaffirm Canada's role as a world leader in oceans and marine resource management;
Of course, no one will object to that. To wish to be a world leader is one thing, but to claim to be the world leader in oceans management is pushing it. What kind of actions back this statement remains to be seen. It is understandable to want to be, but to proclaim oneself is another story.
The third element reads, and I quote:
Whereas Parliament wishes to affirm-
in Canadian domestic law-
-Canada's sovereign rights, jurisdiction and responsibilities in the exclusive economic zone of Canada;
Does this means that Parliament is giving itself new sovereign rights on Canadian territory? Because it is not saying reaffirm but affirm. This could raise concerns about oceans, rivers and all waterways.
I raise this whereas clause because it seems to me that, like the rest of this bill, it is vague and opens the door to, at best, interdepartmental quarrelling. What does this bill say about the provinces? I just said that, at the social and economic levels, they have started to look at managing things together. I did not mention Quebec, however.
Historically, even before the days of sovereignist governments, Quebec has made it clear that it wanted to look after the economy and social affairs of the province, considered by many to be an "état", a future country. I am talking about the provinces on the ocean, because they are in this situation I am describing. How much attention is paid to the provinces in this bill?
Consultation has been promised. But consulting the provinces will not be a requirement, even in the cases where regulations are put in place that affect them. Suffice it to mention the regulations with respect to the fee structure, which would appear to come under provincial control. Even in this case, consulting the provinces will not actually be a requirement. Looking at the role of the provinces
in this bill reminds us that Canada, and I am excluding Quebec here, is far from having settled its problem of "governance" as it is called today in intellectual circles.
I wonder if the member who sponsored it at the time would still agree now that he is premier of a province that must deal with this issue on a continuing basis, but this bill leaves only crumbs to the provinces and shows that the will of the first Prime Minister, John A. Macdonald-who wanted to create an undivided country but was unable to do so because eastern Canada, which is now Quebec, objected-is still alive and well in today's Canada.
There is a problem in the division of powers and responsibilities. There is an effectiveness problem, which eventually becomes a money problem. Being a world leader in the management of oceans and their resources requires money. Where is the money to implement this bill?
I saw no money anywhere. The only money I can see will come from fees that are unfair to Quebec and to the ports along the St. Lawrence. I hope these fees are not the only way to finance Canada's intended role as a world leader in the management of fisheries and oceans.
This project is disturbing in several respects, including the environmental aspects. As we know, Environment Canada's budget will be cut by 32 per cent over three years. This bill allows the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans to form his own department in this area. There is a serious co-ordination problem within cabinet, not to mention the co-ordination problem with the provinces.
Perhaps cabinet did not really review this bill, because we wonder how it can be managed jointly by the Minister of the Environment and the minister of fisheries. We will vote for the amendment, because I think we demonstrated convincingly that this bill is not worthy of its stated objective of making Canada a world leader in the management of oceans and their resources.