Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to take part in this very important debate.
As the hon. member for Mégantic-Compton-Stanstead just pointed out, the Bloc Quebecois has long been concerned with this issue. Our founding president, Lucien Bouchard, now the premier of Quebec, had made it one of his primary concerns, as has our finance critic-this is part of Canadian Parliamentary tradition. Given the rule of secrecy and the lack of transparency, the Bloc Quebecois lacked a source. Therefore, we must congratulate and thank the auditor general for having had the courage to tell parliamentarians and Canadians about this scandal, back in May.
We are not among those who seek to discredit, to condemn and to attack institutions because we are not pleased with them, as did former Liberal Prime Minister Trudeau-the Liberal party has a long tradition in this regard-when he lambasted the auditor general of the time for questioning the transaction whereby Petrofina was to become Petro-Canada.
The auditor general had to go to the Supreme Court to find out what his real powers were, given Mr. Trudeau's arrogant and contemptuous attitude. The chairman of the finance committee, who used strong arm tactics with the auditor general as an institution and as an individual, also displayed a similar attitude.
We will not get into this; we leave it to others in this House. We feel that, by raising the issue of transfer, otherwise known as tax evasion and the flight of capital, the auditor general should be highly commended for bringing the public debate back on the issue of family trusts. This is the point I want to focus on.
Family trusts promote a concentration of wealth in the hands of some very rich Canadian families. Given the solid arguments made against family trusts by ordinary people, it is time we led the debate and the fight against secret investments. After all, our tax system is supposedly based on a fundamental rule of fairness, whereby everyone must pay his due to the taxman. Since the month of May, this has given us an opportunity to learn a bit, not much mind you, but a bit about family trusts and their very existence.
We learned from the public accounts committee and the finance committee that, according to the revenue minister, and contrary to what a deputy minister seems to have said in committee, family trusts exist for those who want to be sure they can pay for a retirement in some southern clime.
The finance minister sees them as a way of protecting his children. Very original. As for the deputy minister, he said a number of months ago that he did not understand the Bloc Quebecois' obsession with family trusts, because they exist to protect families with handicapped children.
We therefore learned, since the revelations of the auditor general who asked the deputy minister of revenue how many family trusts there were in Canada, that there were 100,000. A few weeks later, at a meeting of the finance committee, this 100,000 became 140,000. When we know that two of them represent one billion each and that their transfer to the United States has apparently deprived the tax man of $400 to $600 million, we are not talking peanuts. These are large amounts of money.
On the topic of family trusts of one billion dollars each, we asked a deputy minister how many there were of $500 million and up. He replied that he could not say, that he did not have that kind of information. It is a scandal. It is a scandal because, according to the spirit of the Income Tax Act, there is a fundamental rule, which is perhaps tacit, that everyone must contribute according to their means.
When they come up with strategies like these, with the backing of the financial advisers whom we know, who advise wealthy families in order to help them move their money out of Canada and Quebec and to protect them even when they keep it inside the country, that is what is going on right now, it is in order to help people who have the means not to contribute their share. And everyone else must therefore contribute that much more.
In the times we live in, as my colleague was saying earlier, with public finances in the state they are in, the most rudimentary sense of morality would require that everyone contribute according to their means and that, in so far as possible, this type of strategy be prohibited.
We know about the cuts now being made throughout Canada in the fields of health, education, social assistance, unemployment insurance, culture, and public housing. We know about the cuts being made to community groups that provide assistance to the most disadvantaged. We know about the alarming increase in the number of food banks across Canada. We know about the increase in unemployment. We are aware of the whole ideological trend to dismantling the state, to limiting the role of government, one of whose main roles is precisely to better distribute the wealth, but this is contradicted by the discourse, attitude and language of the chairman of the Standing Committee on Finance, who criticizes one of the taxation ombudsmen who exists in our system, which works reasonably well when the rules are followed, furthermore, which makes Canada a developed country, a great democracy. When you make the claims that are made here, in this country, you must be consistent all the way.
In these times when money is lacking-for what Canada has is not a problem of spending but a problem of revenue-that problem is highlighted in a most extraordinary way by the question raised by the family trusts and the way they are reducing tax revenues. It is therefore necessary to have a precise idea of family trusts, to
know exactly how many have been set up following their creation under the Trudeau government in 1972. The figures will have to be broken down into categories, because not all family trusts may be billion dollar ones. We would have to know how many involved $100,000 or more, how many between $100,000 and $250,000, how many between $250,000 and $500,000, and so on. How many between $1 million and $5 million, how many between $5 million and $100 million, how many $500 million and up, as well as details on all the billion dollar ones. We would have to have precise information on their impact on the Canadian tax system and on each of the provinces of origin. It seems likely, for instance, that there would be some such family trusts in the Maritimes, New Brunswick, in particular. Without naming names, one might well think that the government of New Brunswick may have been deprived of some very considerable tax revenue by this sort of subterfuge.
Ontario and Quebec, which have prominent families, also come to mind. We are entitled at least to exact figures on the effort required of other taxpayers, who have no choice about, for they cannot afford to hire the top tax guns, those same people invited by the chairman of the finance committee, who, despite all of their unarguable qualifications, are clearly in conflict of interest.
We must know exactly what the situation is. We must know, for each province, what the impact is of a measure that was introduced by Pierre Eliott Trudeau, the man of the just society. We see the dishonesty of these people who are prepared to sign documents, as they did, to protect and reinforce the government's position.
I am nearing the end of my speech. Instead of trying to confuse the issue, the government must examine not only the Revenue Canada ruling of December 23, 1991, but the whole issue of the existence of family trusts and their impact on the tax system, and this in order to really protect the credibility and integrity of our tax system, which, as I said earlier, was a big issue with one of the experts. As a member of Parliament I attended this incredible evening, this masquerade, when one of the Bay Street experts told the chairman that he was shocked by the attitude and behaviour of the auditor general, who should never have revealed to the public and the Canadian people that such practices existed because it would undermine the integrity of our Canadian tax system.
This means that they go along with it. There are mechanisms to ensure that those who can pay their taxes, who should pay their taxes, who have the means to pay taxes-We know that in Canada today, there are people who do not have sufficient income to pay their taxes. Those who do, those who are lucky and those who have worked for their money, but must realize that others are not that lucky and that we live in a civilized society. Wealth must be spread around, and this has to happen through the government, because we live in a society, and the government apparatus is a symbol of the well-organized, civilized and developed society we have. It means we have elections, elected representatives and mechanisms to redistribute wealth. We must protect those institutions, but the government's present attitude is very disturbing. We should not be
surprised when citizens become increasingly cynical and critical of institutions like ours, when these institutions no longer appear to be doing their job.