Mr. Speaker, I begin today by indicating that the Reform Party is in support of the reference of these questions to the Supreme Court of Canada. Clearly the vagueness and unpreparedness of the country on this profound question of the rule of law cannot be allowed to continue.
We offer this support in spite of the fact that we have profound differences with the Liberal government about the nature of Canada and the way this issue should be handled in other regards. Reformers do not believe in its vision of a centralized and unreformed Canadian Confederation. We also do not agree with its approach on matters such as language policy, the approach it has taken on national unity and we are still concerned about the vagueness it has on many of the issues that relate not only to keeping the country together but to contingencies in the event the country should have to face the problem of Quebec secession.
I would also like to express to the minister, before I continue, not just my agreement of his actions but that I appreciate his co-operation in discussing these matters with us and in fully informing us of the actions the government is prepared to take.
I also think it would be appropriate on behalf of all Canadians to acknowledge the role of Mr. Bertrand in bringing this matter to the attention of the courts in the first place.
Let me make a couple of comments about the specifics of the government's reference. Generally the government has referred the correct questions to the Supreme Court. I am concerned, however, about some of the wording relating to international law, as the court may be reluctant to express an opinion on that matter.
Also, the reference does not address the critical question of by what means Quebec secession or the secession of any province could occur under the Constitution and whether the Constitution can be used to address that question. I do not see those in the questions that the minister has asked the court and there is somewhat of a deficiency in that regard.
We view this as only a first step. To the extent that the government is increasingly prepared to look at plan B options, it must be prepared to table a legislative framework for such a contingency and also to take greater efforts to inform the Quebec population of not just the possible cost but the consequences and possible conditions of their secession.
I would point out that our position is not new and is not the result of the referendum campaign. Indeed, we made our position on these issues clear a very long time ago.
As early as October 1994, after the election of the current separatist government, I raised questions in the House about the legality and constitutionality of the Quebec secession question. I point out that ministers and parliamentary secretaries refused to answer. They said that the Constitution did not address these issues and that the position was strictly hypothetical.
I would also point out that they went farther and I think to the detriment of federalism in the last referendum campaign. They denied the importance of these realities. The Prime Minister indicated that a majority vote in favour of secession would not necessarily lead to the separation of Quebec. This, in our view, was a very dangerous factor in convincing the population of Quebec that the yes option was not a risky one.
On referendum night we became aware that not only was the Government of Quebec serious about its unilateral plans for separation but in fact had made extensive arrangements and preparations for a unilateral declaration of independence. Clearly
this was not a hypothetical question from their point of view and given the result of the referendum it cannot be treated hypothetically now.
The minister is unclear or sending mixed messages when he says that he views a possible yes vote in a future referendum as remote or unlikely. We have to face the fact that we are dealing with this question precisely because of the results of the last referendum. We have to take the expression of the people of Quebec seriously and tell them that when they vote yes it has consequences and those consequences may some day be separation. We cannot just dismiss the results of the last referendum. We must admit they are responsible for the heightened awareness of the danger of this problem throughout Canada.
I would also point out that not only have we supported this position for some time, and we did discuss freely the implications of unilateral separation in the last referendum, but we also, immediately after the referendum, published our formal position on these issues. We have published a document called "the 20-20" which includes not only our 20 proposals for the reform and decentralization of Canadian federation, but also our 20 proposals for contingencies for the rest of the country in the event that Quebec should vote to secede. These are based on three very fundamental principles which the government is finally expressing. These are respect for democratic consent of the people, respect for the rule of law and the primacy of the protection of the interests of all loyal Canadians.
I realize that in making this decision, the Government of Canada will face fairly serious criticism, indeed fairly serious political challenges from its so-called federalist friends in Quebec. In particular, I want to point to the leader of the federal Progressive Conservative Party and the leader of the Quebec Liberal Party.
Members will recall that in the dying days of the last referendum campaign, it is my view that these two individuals ambushed the rest of Canada with their demands for special status. I believe ultimately, although I do not imagine my colleagues will admit it, they ambushed the Prime Minister also. They have maintained that there is a necessity for a plan A that is extremely generous to virtually any demand that comes from the Government of Quebec, but they are not prepared to contemplate any aspect of a plan B.
This is, in our view, a tremendous contradiction: that the threat of Quebec's separation is great enough that the country should be prepared to make not just concessions but virtually any concession to deal with it. However, it is not to be viewed as serious enough that we should in any way plan any contingency to defend the interests of the rest of the country.
These people are tremendous at flag waving and great PR events when they want to get up and say to the rest of the country that they oppose Quebec sovereignty. Today they are finally being asked to show that they are prepared to support Canadian sovereignty. What this issue is about and the reference of this case to the Supreme
Court, in our view, is precisely the opposite of what the premier of Quebec has said. Canada is a real country. Quebec is a province of that country, and that is nothing to be ashamed of.
I would also like to speak of the position of the Bloc Quebecois. I must point out that, over the years, the position of the Bloc and of the sovereignist movement has changed. As one example, Mr. Lévesque himself proposed a referendum solely as a public consultation, admitting that he ought to negotiate Quebec's final change of status with the rest of Canada.
It is also difficult for us in the rest of Canada to understand Mr. Bouchard's position, when he says that he supports not only sovereignty but also sovereignty-partnership with the rest of Canada. To have a partnership, there must be partners. In this world, partnerships need to be negotiated. This is impossible, and evidence of the lack of maturity of the sovereignist movement, in thinking that it can have a partnership that is unilateral. Not only is this a misconception of human nature, it is also untrue to the nature of relations between sovereign states.
I would also like to point out that the Bloc Quebecois is opposed to this idea because, in its eyes, it supports the voice of democracy. I must point out too that, on two occasions, the voice of democracy has rejected Quebec sovereignty. I think I am in agreement with the members of the government as well, in saying that it is time for the government of Quebec to start respecting these expressions of the voice of democracy.
I will conclude by addressing the questions and the fears we all have as Canadians in the shadow of the last referendum. There are those who continue to insist for whatever reason that the possibility of Quebec's separation should not be taken seriously. There may be votes, there may be upheavals, there may be dislocation, but Quebec will never separate.
I have never taken this position. My understanding of Quebec is that as profoundly as I disagree with the position of the separatists, it is a position that is honestly held by many. While I think it is unfortunate and historically was avoidable, there are good explanations for the existence of this movement.
Will Quebec leave? I do not believe it will but it is possible. However, it would be profoundly unfortunate should that occur.
We believe that the struggle occurring in the province of Quebec today is a struggle that is going on in many parts of the world as we emerge from the cold war. That struggle is one of whether we will evolve toward greater forms of co-operation among all nations and all peoples of the world, whether we will move toward structures
and toward arrangements that address and support the idea of the brotherhood and the sisterhood of humanity or whether we will once again descend into the narrowness and the narrow view of ethnic nationalism.
In my view, the choice of Quebec's separation is a choice for ethnic nationalism and would be a choice to embrace the darkness rather than to accept the light. This is a problem for Canada but it does not mean the end of Canada. I profoundly disagree with those who say that as tragic as Quebec's separation would be, it would mean the end of this country. In my view that devalues this country. This country has a strong history and remains strong to those who support it not just in Quebec but elsewhere in Canada.
A country does not live or die by its Constitution or its legal arrangements. These are important for the management of its day to day affairs and ultimately, as the minister has said, important for the management of any profound change in those relationships. However, countries live or countries die in the hearts of the people who belong to them, particularly democratic countries.
Canada remains strong in the hearts of Canadians and, according to two referendums, in the hearts of the majority of Quebecers. The fact that it has died in the hearts of some or may die in the hearts of others is no reason for us to ever give up on this country.