Mr. Speaker, it is unfortunate to see such misunderstanding of Quebec and a constant, and thinly veiled, attack on the Quebec people by English Canada.
A reading of motion M-26, which we have before us at this time, leads us to that conclusion. All Quebeckers reading it and listening to the debate would reach the same conclusion.
This is an extremely important subject for us in Quebec and I would need far more than ten minutes to explain our point of view concerning it. I will, however, make an attempt to explain it to you, and to convince the hon. members of this Parliament, solely on historical grounds, briefly of course. Solely on historical grounds, I trust that they will understand that provincial equality, as seen by the hon. Reform member, and even by the government members, does not in any way correspond to the historical demands of the Quebec people.
Speaking of history, I believe we cannot help but conclude that the creation of Canada was based on a historic misunderstanding. In 1867, when Lower Canada and Upper Canada decided to unite, it was common knowledge that francophones were a minority everywhere in North America with the exception of Lower Canada. The people of Lower Canada had agreed to a federal system knowing that this would at least give them the power and democratic control of a member state within the federation.
As for Upper Canada, what it wanted was a very strong Canada, a unitary regime. The signing did take place, however. The Fathers of Confederation did sign an agreement, believing one thing, but the facts prove that they reached a devious agreement to get around the system they had used to sell Lower Canada on signing. Since 1867, therefore, quietly but inexorably, areas under Quebec's jurisdiction have been nibbled away at, along with those of the other provinces. Quebec, however, is most vocal in its demands. The area of jurisdiction found under section 92 of the Canadian Constitution is being nibbled away at.
Little by little, in an indirect by nevertheless real way, through Supreme Court judgments—and the list is long—the federal government is taking powers away from Quebec.
The most recent example, hot off the press so to speak, is Bill C-14 on water management. If there is one area that comes under Quebec jurisdiction this is it. If there is one thing that is dear to the hearts of Quebeckers it is water. The federal government in its wisdom figured it should interfere in that area in the name of peace, order and good government or using the rule of federal precedence.
As far as the Constitution is concerned, the Quiet Revolution stirred Quebec to go from passively defending vested powers to actively claiming new powers. This is nothing new. Since the 1960s, successive Quebec premiers have constantly been asking that Quebec be given more powers. Why? Because they found it necessary for the political, social, economic and cultural development of Quebec society.
However, capitalizing on the failure of the 1980 referendum, a Prime Minister named Pierre Elliott Trudeau, together with nine English speaking provinces, repatriated the Constitution and imposed it on Quebec. It should be noted that the Constitution of 1982 was never ratified by Quebec. It was never approved by any of the Quebec premiers. Since 1982, we have had premiers in Quebec who were federalists and even Liberals. As a big brother, or small brother perhaps, of the Liberal government across the way, Robert Bourassa himself refused to sign this Constitution.
In 1982, for the first time since 1867, the Constitution was amended without Quebec's consent. That was the end of an old dream of Quebeckers, who had viewed the federation as a pact between two founding nations, which could therefore only be changed with their mutual consent.
What Motion M-26 shows is that the concept of distinct society has lost a lot of ground in a very short time. A previous speaker mentioned the Meech Lake and Charlottetown agreements and the Calgary declaration. Closer scrutiny invariably reveals that every time there is an agreement in English Canada, Quebec ends up not with more but with fewer powers.
In the Meech Lake Accord, the Bourassa government, a federalist government I might add, set out the five conditions to be met before Quebec could approve the Constitution Act of 1982. What were the five conditions?
First, recognizing Quebec as a distinct society, which would be meaningful and would be used by the courts as an interpretation formula to grant more powers when considering Quebec's traditional demands.
Second, guaranteeing a more prominent role regarding immigration.
Third, allowing Quebec to participate in the appointment of supreme court justices.
Fourth, limiting the federal government's spending power. It is through this power that, increasingly, the federal government has been taking over powers that belong to Quebec, powers that are recognized as ours under section 92 of the Constitution. With its spending power, Ottawa is putting money in areas that are not under federal jurisdiction.
Fifth, recognizing Quebec's veto on the reform of federal institutions and the creation of new provinces.
These were the five conditions seen as a minimum by a federalist Quebec premier, Robert Bourassa.
We know what happened to the Meech Lake accord. English Canada felt Quebec was getting way too much. Following this episode and some arm-twisting, the Charlottetown accord was struck. What happened then to the notion of distinct society, which was the minimum for Quebec to join the Canadian confederation?
They tried to dilute it even further, with a sort of Canada clause in which everyone was equal, in which the principle of equality of all the provinces appeared for the first time in an accord concluded with English Canada.
What became of the Charlottetown accord? It was defeated. It was defeated in the west because it gave too much power to Quebec, and it was defeated in Quebec because it gave too little power to Quebec.
Then there was the Calgary accord. The focus shifted to unique character. Distinct society was no longer of interest. And here we saw a premier who was at least honest, the premier of Ontario, who said that unique character was meaningless because everything in Canada was unique, from Pacific salmon to the tar sands of Alberta. It was all unique.
In addition, as if that were not enough, points 2 to 6 of the Calgary declaration set out clearly the equality of the provinces.
Never will a premier of Quebec, whether it be Maurice Duplessis, Lesage, Johnson, Sauvé, Bertrand, Barrette, Bourassa, Parizeau, the last Johnson, Daniel, or the present incumbent, Lucien Bouchard, allow Quebec to be put on an equal footing with all the other provinces because we are one of the two founding peoples. This historic fact must be recognized. There must be recognition of the fact that Quebec forms a people. And in this regard they must know their history, they must look at the historic demands of Quebec and reach the conclusion that a motion such as the one before us asking the House to recognize that all the provinces are equal and that none can be recognized as distinct under the Constitution of Canada is unthinkable. No, no and no.