Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to speak about NATO's imminent intervention in the former Yugoslavia.
Yesterday, the secretary general of the Atlantic alliance, Javier Solana, gave the go-ahead for NATO bombing, after one last attempt by American envoy Richard Holbrooke to negotiate an agreement with Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic. The Serbian leader has categorically refused to sign the Rambouillet accord, which would have resulted in a ceasefire in Kosovo.
This peace accord was negotiated in a suburb of Paris under the supervision of the contact group for the former Yugoslavia, a group made up of the United States, Russia, France, the United Kingdom, Italy and Germany. Only the Kosovar separatists signed. The accord would have given them substantial autonomy for a three year transition. The peace plan also would have allowed the deployment of 26,000 NATO troops in Kosovo to ensure enforcement. This is the main stumbling block for Serbian President Milosevic. Even faced with imminent allied air strikes, he repeated on Serbian television only a few hours ago his firm opposition to what he considers to be occupation of Serbian territory by foreign military forces.
It must be kept in mind that from the onset of the conflict between the Yugoslav forces and the Albanian separatists more than a year ago now some 2,000 people have been killed and more than 200,000 people made refugees. For 10 months the international community has tried every possible approach to end the war and repression in Kosovo. Kosovo has not respected UN security council resolutions 1199 and 1203, or last October's agreements between the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe, NATO and the former Yugoslavia. Belgrade has not complied with its obligations to limit the deployment of its forces in Kosovo, protect the population and bring about a ceasefire.
It must be kept in mind that Yugoslavia has, moreover, been involved in bloody conflict for 10 years. There was Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slovenia, and now Kosovo. Faced with this intolerable situation in which defenceless civilian populations are being fired at by the ex-Yugoslav army, the international community cannot remain indifferent. The international community will lose all credibility if it does not act immediately. Otherwise, it will find itself encouraging the various abuses being committed by the Serbian government.
In order to protect the civilian population of Kosovo, it seems that the armed solution is the last plausible option. It is unfortunate that it has to be contemplated and supported, but the situation as it stands renders it necessary.
That said, we understand and support Canada's desire to act with NATO forces to help the civilians of Kosovo. However, the minister did not tell us what would happen should the forces of the former Yugoslavia, with President Milosevic at their head, refuse to give in to NATO.
Indeed, what will happen if the NATO air strikes do not make Yugoslavia bend? What will happen if the conflict drags on? What are the long term objectives of the alliance and Canada in this conflict?
The Minister of Foreign Affairs' speech did not provide answers to this question. However, the hostilities with the former Yugoslavia are real. While we know when the adventure begins, who can claim to know when and how it will all end? Obviously, this is all the more true if the Serbs feel they have nothing to lose.
In closing, the people of Quebec and Canada are entitled to know whether Canada will become more involved in this conflict should it continue. What will Canada contribute in terms of humanitarian aid to the thousands of civilians who are in need and obliged to leave their homes?
In this regard, I invite the minister and his government to inform this House of the latest developments in the former Yugoslavia and to hold here a debate on possible changes in the nature of Canada's involvement in the former Yugoslavia.