Mr. Speaker, I move that the First Report of the Standing Committee on Human Resources Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, presented on Wednesday, December 15, 1999, be concurred in.
Today it is important to debate this motion because it deals with children and with all the measures that should be taken by the government on their behalf. It also deals with child poverty in society.
The committee was mandated to deal with child poverty and youth at risk and reviewed the issue of children in Canada. During the last decade, the Liberal government neglected its responsibilities in this regard. The past 10 years can be summed up as a missed opportunity. The report of this committee is a perfect example, because it never mentions any of the various changes that should have been included in the government strategy.
This committee submitted three reports. Members of the opposition, including the members of the Bloc, tabled a minority report, because those three reports do not fully explore the issue and do not explain all the elements that cause poverty and the lack of nurturing of children.
On December 14, 1999, the Bloc Quebecois presented a minority report on the government's policies on children. Throughout the report proposed by the Liberal Party, it was clear that the federal government wanted to take the lead in a area not under its jurisdiction, according to the constitution. It should avoid a repetition of past mistakes and it should would with the provinces and provide fair financial support to them, as they really need it. This is the first conclusion that the Bloc reached.
Several personalities from Quebec and Canada want the social transfer reinstated at $18 billion and want to see an end to the cuts made since 1993. As of today, cuts to the social transfer stand at $21 billion. Last week, the Association des médecins requested that the social transfer be given back to provinces.
The provinces have less money. They must meet some urgent needs but do not have the money required to respond to people and to parents. When we speak about the problems of children, we must say that it is the parents' responsibility to guide their children on to adult life.
In the first report, it was obvious that the Liberals wanted to invade some provincial jurisdictions. We also see that there is a tendency towards program homogenisation. Homogenisation means no flexibility to adapt the programs to different realities in different provinces and to the willingness of different provinces to help the children.
I am now on a tour to look at poverty, and community groups, which are very close to the children and to families with urgent needs, often tell us that there is not one solution but several solutions and there should not be only one measure but several measures. The across the board programs of the Canadian government are seldom applicable to our communities. Every federal approach was harmful in terms of synergy and logical integration of government action.
Another thing we noted was that the report tabled in December 1999 put the emphasis on a national action plan or an integrated federal policy, with no room for flexibility for the provinces. An integrated social policy must come from the provinces, not from Ottawa, in my opinion.
Ottawa is there to financially support certain policies, not to implement programs that often interfere with provincial programs. The integration of a federal program with those of the provinces is a complex accounting operation.
The report on children and youth at risk said that existing financing channels were deficient. We wanted to use other financing channels. We could also see that, often, the federal government announces policies for children that will be applicable only in two or three years, or just before an election, or according to some part of the Liberal government's political strategy.
In order to fight effectively against poverty and help our children better, I believe we must have a long term strategy instead of a fragmented one that is dependant upon the good will of the government. We have seen this in the past and we are seeing it again with the scandal at HRDC, which shows how poor the government's performance is. It is a performance characterized by a lack of transparency, where the taxpayers' money is being used for completely partisan projects and not to help communities, parents and children have access to a better quality of life.
I want to come back to the Canada health and social transfer because I think it is of the utmost importance for provinces, to help them meet children's needs adequately. What does the Canada health and social transfer do? It helps provinces better meet the needs of families in education, health services and income security.
In Quebec in particular, we know that a march will be organized in October 2000, where the people will ask the Government of Quebec to take social and political measures that will be more humane, better focused on the problem of poverty. To help those families, those parents, the federal government must first fulfil its responsibilities under the Canada social transfer.
The present situation does not make sense. Since 1993, there has been $21 billion in cuts. This is a lot of money. I will give an idea of what could be done with $21 billion. It could be used to hire 3,000 physicians, 5,000 teachers, 5,800 nurses. It would also allow to increase each and every income security cheque by $500. This is how it would affect the everyday life of each citizen. They would get better support.
Last week, I read a newspaper article about the shortage of assistants, counsellors and psychologists in schools. The only way to access those resources is to provide better and more stable support from the Canada social transfer, which finances education, health and income security.
In the committee dealing with the issue of children and youth at risk, it did not seem to bother them in the least. There was no call for the government to restore the Canada social transfer, to provide better support and help to children and families.
Another aspect that was completely ignored as a means of better supporting children was the issue of the restrictions applying to unemployment insurance. The access issue was not raised in committee, despite the fact that a huge number of families are subject to such restrictions and that six out of every ten persons are currently ineligible for employment insurance benefits.
If I understand correctly, employment insurance should allow fathers and mothers to obtain money that is owed to them, money that could help them to feed their children and help them to have a better life.
All this was ignored by the committee. The Standing Committee on Human Resources Development rejected out of hand any study of this new reform on the quality of life in our society.
The committee never raised the issue of social housing either. We know that a child living in poverty is also a member of a family that has to spend between 30 and 50% of its meagre income on housing. It is clear then that the committee on children and youth at risk does not really deal with the various measures the government should put forward to really help children and youth at risk.
I am a concerned about the advice the Liberal government will receive from the committee. I know that the government often brags about the new national child benefit, which, by the way, is a good measure. However, I believe that the government will have to implement a whole series of measures to support children and not just one single measure.
Since 1993, we have been in a major social deficit. What is going on now is totally absurd; society as a whole has been crippled by the federal government cuts. Families, especially poor families, are the ones who are suffering.
What I can say, following the tour I did on the issue of poverty—I had brought with me a working paper on the federal investment, or disinvestment, in social policies in terms of financing in conjunction with the provinces—is how much that had a negative impact in the communities. They told me that now they understand the impact the federal government is having on the increase in child poverty. That impact can be seen every day. Therefore it is totally unacceptable that, in the committee, no figure has been put on measures so that we can have a real strategy.
In 1989, maybe the intentions were good. Every member of the House had signed a resolution saying that child poverty would have decreased within ten years. What happened? We had a sad anniversary on November 24, 1999. That is not very long ago, just before the Christmas season. It was a sad anniversary because it was announced that there were 1.5 million children living in poverty in Canada, an increase of 500,000. This is the result of ten years of social disinvestment. Ten years that, under the Liberal administration, have been catastrophic.
In the committee on children and youth at risk, there might be a concern, which is to have and create new programs and duplicate what is already being done in the provinces. There is no vision of what some provinces have already put in place. There is no figure put on that strategy, and that is dangerous. Ten years from now, will we find ourselves with a problem that we will deplore as members of parliament?
I find it unacceptable that a committee given the mandate to study children at risk did not show a willingness to remedy the cuts in social programs or put an end to this vicious centralization. In fact, we heard in committee how centralizing the government party was. According to some federalists, this is not what federalism is all about.
Instead of being of assistance to the provinces, helping them with their initiatives, what is being done with regard to $5-a-day day care? Not a word, but the government is pocketing $70 million.
I believe it is time the government understood that Ottawa's action hampers Quebec's initiatives. It hampers local communities' initiatives. Sometimes we hear in the corridors that it is unconscionable that one might even think about establishing new programs. Do you know what some ministers tell us? They say “Communities are asking us to get involved. We want to get involved”.
I tell them there is a difference between involvement and investment. To invest is to give back to the provinces the money they are entitled to. To invest is to respect the provinces' areas of jurisdiction. To invest is to decentralize and allow the provinces to better help communities and understand what they are doing.
I know the federal government would like to go over the heads of the provinces, it is obvious. I understand why the Quebec government wants to lump several initiatives into one family policy, namely to better help children. It needs room to manoeuvre in its budget.
If the federal government really wants to, the Quebec government will be better able to help children and their families.
In conclusion, I move that the debate be now adjourned.