Mr. Speaker, I am not sure if I can do it in three minutes, but I will rush to it.
Today would be a record setting number of times that time allocation would have been used. In Beauchesne's sixth edition, citation 3 outlines some elements of our Constitution Act, and it is relevant. It states:
More tentative are such traditional features as respect for the rights of the minority, which precludes a Government from using to excess the extensive powers that it has to limit debate or to proceed in what the public and the Opposition might interpret as unorthodox ways.
In other words, there is another way to look at it.
Going back to the argument presented by the hon. member for Winnipeg—Transcona, he suggested that the Chair intervene on the collective rights of the minority. The case has been made that the Chair possesses no discretionary authority to refuse to put a motion of time allocation, but I do not agree with this claim and I will prove that the Speaker does not possess this authority.
On May 2, 2000, during a discussion of the rule of time allocation at the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, the Clerk of the House of Commons, Robert Marleau, responded to a question regarding the Speaker's authority to protect the minority in the manner prescribed earlier. The Clerk said:
—it exists intrinsically in the role of the Speakership all the time—where there could be the tyranny of either side. It could be the tyranny of the majority or the tyranny of the minority.
At a subsequent meeting on May 4 the Clerk suggested that with time allocation the Speaker is less likely to intervene. There is a reference to this at page 570 of House of Commons Procedure and Practice . However, he used the extreme example that if the government time allocated every bill the Speaker might intervene.
My interpretation of what the Clerk said is that there does exist a limit to what a majority government can do with respect to time allocation. There comes a line in the sand, Mr. Speaker. I mentioned that earlier when I quoted Beauchesne.
The Clerk used the extreme example of every bill in his response because he knows it is not up to the Clerk to establish the limit. Obviously 66 times was not the limit because it went ahead last time. However, yesterday the government gave notice of its intention to move time allocation for the 67th time. In search of a benchmark of what constitutes excess, I would suggest that 67 closure and time allocation motions moved within six years for the sole purpose of muzzling the opposition is excessive.
At page 369 of Marleau and Montpetit there is reference to an intervention by the Speaker on time allocation related tactics used by the government. It describes how Speaker Fraser ruled on the government tactic of skipping over Routine Proceedings in order to go to orders of the day. As we are all aware, this tactic, if allowed, secures for the government the opportunity to move time allocation regardless of where it is in the orders of the day.
While Speaker Fraser ruled such a motion in order on April 13, 1987, page 369 of Marleau and Montpetit references another ruling where the Speaker ruled out of order a similar motion only months before. In other words, the discretion is with the Speaker as to whether it is acceptable.
The rules governing time allocation can be found in Standing Order 78, but when the government allows only a minimum amount of time to debate each stage of a controversial bill, this prevents the opposition from doing its job. It prevents the opposition from enlisting public support. The right of an opposition to raise the profile of an issue is an indispensable principle. Beauchesne's sixth edition states:
—to protect the minority and restrain the improvidence or tyranny of a majority; to secure the transaction of public business in an orderly manner; to enable every member to express opinions within limits necessary to preserve decorum and prevent an unnecessary waste of time; to give abundant opportunity for the consideration of every measure, and to prevent any legislative action being taken upon sudden impulse.
This is all about debate, and the reason we are here is to have debate. Speaker Fraser put it this way:
It is essential to our democratic system that controversial issues should be debated at reasonable length so that every reasonable opportunity shall be available to hear the arguments pro and con and that reasonable delaying tactics should be permissible to enable opponents of a measure to enlist public support for their point of view.
In 1949 the Right Hon. John Diefenbaker said this to the Empire Club in Toronto:
If Parliament is to be preserved as a living institution His Majesty's Loyal Opposition must fearlessly perform its functions. The reading of history proves that freedom always dies when criticism ends.
In 1967 another distinguished parliamentarian, the late Stanley Knowles, added this comment to the debate:
I submit, therefore, that you do not have full political democracy, let alone the economic as well as political democracy, unless you include a full and unquestioned recognition of the rights and functions of the opposition to the government of the day. Only in this way can you protect the rights of the minorities; only in this way can you make sure that the force of public opinion will be brought to bear on the legislative process.
One of the reasons the opposition exists is to someday replace the government. The opposition should conduct itself in parliament so as to persuade the people of the country that it could be an improvement on the government of the day. Our system of government works best when there is a change of government, or at least an opportunity to change government at reasonable intervals.
If the government continues to silence the opposition at every turn, the opposition will never be able to use parliamentary debate to persuade the people of Canada. While the rights of the opposition are immediately and most visibly at stake, ultimately the threat is to democratic rights and freedoms generally.
In conclusion, I would like to offer three points. One is for the Chair to consider and two are for the House.
First, perhaps now is the time for the Speaker to look the other way, as the member for Winnipeg—Transcona suggested at the beginning of this parliament, not see the minister and prevent the 67th motion from being moved.
My second suggestion is that the government and this House should seriously consider reforming the way we do business by sitting the proper calendar period, sitting the days we are supposed to sit, and consider using free votes so that the government is not forced to use time allocation so often.
Another way is to change the rules of debate so that we get to important business and controversial business in a timely fashion, instead of waiting until the last dog is hung.
A short delay of even a day would send a message to the government that you, Mr. Speaker, believe the line in the sand has been crept up to and is in danger of being passed.
In Dante's Inferno he described the nine circles of hell. In the context of the Canadian parliamentary system, I believe the government has brought us into circle number eight. Circle number eight is the place for the sowers of discord. This government has brought us dangerously close to a dysfunctional parliament by risking the rights of the minority and by using such a controversial way to bring so much legislation through the House.