Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to take part in today's debate.
I welcome the fact that we are today having a debate on the continuing challenges we face as a result of the absolute horror of the September 11 atrocities that visited our shores, that were visited upon thousands and thousands of people in three different parts of the United States and of course resulted in the deaths of people from 60 different nations of the world.
I want to deal very briefly with the motion itself. Then I want to expand somewhat upon what I, my party and my colleagues in the House of Commons feel very strongly is the need for a far more comprehensive response to the horrendous challenge we face as a result of the terrorism crisis that literally exploded on the world scene on September 11.
Briefly then, there are three parts to the motion before us. The first part calls upon all members of the House to once again condemn the atrocities committed on September 11. Let me say that my colleagues join again with all members of the House in doing exactly that. As we know, all five parties had an opportunity to be put squarely on the record in expressing their condemnation on the very first day the House sat after the September 11 events.
Whatever differences we might have about what the nature and extent of the response should be to the September 11 atrocities, no one should pretend that any member of the House is counselling turning the other cheek or advocating a policy of appeasement or a policy that says we will just go on doing what we are doing. That is simply false.
In 1916 the famous Irish poet Yeats wrote that all was changed, “changed utterly”. That says it all for us as it relates to what happened on September 11, as it relates to a call to each and every responsible citizen of the world and as it relates to us as parliamentarians to provide leadership in the appropriate response to the horrors of September 11.
Let us also be clear that the atrocities committed on September 11 were indeed a crime, a horrendous crime, a crime against humanity. It is very important that we be clear about that because that fact must guide us in our response to the atrocities of September 11. We know that when we are dealing with crimes a response to criminality is required and that we must use every single means at our disposal around the world to bring the perpetrators of those horrendous crimes to justice.
The terrorism of September 11 is also a terrorism that is now recognized as a global crisis, so our response to these crimes must also be a truly international response. As people understand the implications of what we are faced with the number of voices is growing as people call for a response based upon the rule of law which is truly international, understanding that we are dealing with crimes against humanity. That is why we have consistently advocated and argued for a special international court to be established, a tribunal under the auspices of the United Nations similar to those that have been set up to deal with the horrors of what happened in Rwanda, in the former Yugoslavia and in the Lockerbie bombing.
Those situations are not at all the same, but the mechanism, the moral and legal authority to deal with these crimes against humanity that are literally a global crisis, must reside with the United Nations. It is the one truly international body that exists for the purpose of dealing with an international crime and dealing with the kind of threat to peace and security around the world that is reflected in what happened on September 11.
What would such an international tribunal do? Such an international tribunal would do what we do when faced with horrendous crimes. It would indict. It would apprehend. It would try and it would punish the perpetrators of those horrendous crimes. To decide to give any nation or any coalition of countries, no matter how broad, the right to act as judge, jury and executioner when dealing with horrendous crimes is simply not acceptable. No country or coalition of countries can take the law into its own hands, because if we allow that to happen we descend into lawlessness and the implications for the future peace and security of the world are truly terrifying.
Let me be clear: I am not among the fainthearted and my party is not naive. The use of force may indeed be necessary to bring those perpetrators to justice, but let us make sure that the moral and legal authority for acting to bring them to justice, including if necessary the use of force, is carried out within the rule of law and under the auspices of the United Nations.
We simply cannot choose retaliation and military strikes over international justice. Many people with far more experience in the realm of international law, international relations and international diplomacy have pleaded this case. Let me quote one. Geoffrey Pearson, a distinguished diplomat, son of a distinguished prime minister who knew and understood this argument, and today the president of the United Nations Association in Canada, cautions that “Such action will only escalate the cycle of violence and is likely to create a new generation blighted by hatred and despair”.
Canadians were profoundly horrified by the 6,000 senseless deaths in the United States on September 11. We simply cannot remain indifferent to the deaths of more innocent people, to the deaths of more men, women and children in some other part of the world. We cannot and will not remain indifferent to casualties among innocent civilians simply because they happen to be in another part of the world.
Nor clearly can we accept, and I want to be very clear about this, that the horrendous crimes of September 11 are in any way, shape or form justifiable. There is no cause and no grievance sufficient to justify the crimes against humanity that happened on September 11. That is why the New Democratic Party has been very clear about distancing itself from any who would argue that somehow the past wrongs of one nation, in this case the United States of America, would explain and justify the September 11 atrocities. They do not, they cannot and they never will.
Just as all nations of the world must come together under the auspices of the United Nations with the moral and legal authority that only that body and that body alone lends to this fight against terrorism, it is also absolutely essential that the United Nations takes the lead in the campaign against terrorism, and it is doing just that. When the leaders of the political parties accompanied the Prime Minister to New York, it was the morning after the United Nations had grappled with the specific initiatives needed by every government and every nation of the world to put in place appropriate anti-terrorist measures.
We are now to debate the legislation introduced today. While I hope there will be some improvements that we will all probably contribute in that debate, I also hope that we have not killed democratic debate and responsible dissent in this parliament or in this country. The fact is that we do come together and I think that we absolutely must support the call from the United Nations for every single country of the world to bring forward within 90 days the concrete measures that we plan to take to combat terrorism here at home.
Nobody has made the case for a truly global response to what happened September 11 better than the United Nations secretary-general himself. Let me quote quickly from one of the many very important statements he has made since September 11, in which he said that it is essential that the global response to terrorism be truly universal and that it not be divisive. He said:
To defeat terrorism, we need a sustained effort and a broad strategy to unite all nations, and address all aspects of the scourge that we face.
Every nation and every people have a responsibility to contribute to the fight against terrorism by ensuring that differences in disputes are resolved through political means and not through violence.
I would say that it was a beacon of hope for a world torn with tensions and terrified about the escalating violence occurring that Kofi Annan was awarded, together with the United Nations, the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday of last week.
We have a motion before us in which the Conservative Party has called on all members to express our support for the families of and the men and women in the military who are called to duty, who are being assigned to duties in regard to the horrors of September 11. Let me say again that the New Democratic Party absolutely stands behind those men and women who are carrying out the duties to which they have been called. We have done so previously in parliament. We have done so publicly on numerous occasions. As one would expect I have done so, as have all of my colleagues with military men and women and their families in their own communities, because when our military men and women are called to service they are responding to the call to serve their country.
We must support our military men and women, and also their families which are all too often forgotten. Whether they take part in a peacekeeping mission or in an operation such as this one, they serve their country by putting their lives on the line. For this, they deserve our respect and support.
We have some concerns about some of the notions buried in the second aspect of the motion. There is an implication in the motion that is simply not accurate; that there is a truly international coalition that has come together to fight terrorism. Until the nations of the world conduct themselves within the rule of law and under the auspices of the United Nations, it is simply inaccurate and misinformed to call it an international coalition. We have concerns about the way in which this resolution reads.
It could not be better expressed than in some of the messages I have been receiving from people literally across the country and in many other countries, particularly the United States, but from some others as well. Let me quote from a couple of those messages that I have received. I am sure every member has received messages from people saying that they want their parliamentarians to take into account what is really happening here and what the implications are of their actions.
One very interesting message and one I suspect went to all members was eight Nobel peace laureates who came together to put out a statement which read in part as follows:
The response of the United States and its allies should not be driven by a blind desire for vengeance, but rather a renewed determination to work for a peaceful and just world. The single great evil that must be opposed is not one group of people or another, but rather the fear and the hatred that continue to find root in human hearts.
We must always keep in mind that we are not talking about one nation fighting another. We are not talking about one religious group or one ethnic group fighting another. We are talking about the human family worldwide coming together to pave the path to peace and security, and let us never forget it.
The third part of the motion calls upon the government to respect the traditions of parliament and make full use of parliamentary committees. Let me say how easy it is to indicate our support for that. We have called for that on numerous occasions. One of the shameful and disappointing things that the government has not seen fit to do is to put all of us as parliamentarians to work on finding ways to deal with this crisis. We do not have a problem with that aspect of the motion.
It is disappointing that the Conservative Party did not bring forward a far more comprehensive motion than the one before us, one that would be worthy, and I say this sincerely, of the very considerable skills and achievements of the current leader who served very capably as the foreign affairs minister in a previous government in this country. It is disappointing that the motion is rather paltry and shrunken down. It really lacks the clear alternatives and concrete measures and actions for which I think people are looking in response to this terrorist crisis that the government has failed to lead on. We now see very little in the motion today that would suggest the Conservative Party has any suggestions to make in this regard.
The inadequacy of this motion is apparent to people. I have to say that I am genuinely disappointed that I and my colleagues find it impossible to support that motion, for some of the reasons I have already mentioned, but particularly because it falls so short of the kind of comprehensive response that is needed from parliament today.
I want to take a minute to read into the record a more adequate response and one that I feel very proud to stand behind. The federal council, the international affairs committee and the federal executive of the New Democratic Party met over the weekend. They adopted a resolution that sets out in a more comprehensive way a more adequate response than the motion we have before us.
Let me very quickly read the elements of the motion. First, we condemn in the strongest possible terms the crimes against humanity and call for the perpetrators to be brought to justice through an international tribunal under the auspices of the United Nations, as we have said.
Second, we support the men and women of the Canadian armed forces who have been assigned to undertake their missions. We support them with a view to returning them safely home, as well as supporting their families who have remained behind in Canada.
Third, we call upon the federal government to bring this issue before the United Nations General Assembly under the provisions of article 35 of the UN charter, with the objective of seeking a peaceful, diplomatic resolution that would bring the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks to justice.
Fourth, we condemn the federal government's decision to commit military support in the U.S. led military action without first having scheduled in the House of Commons a full debate and vote. We insist that such debate and vote take place before any further deployment of military resources, particularly given the U.S. indication that it may be prepared to expand its attacks to other countries behind Afghanistan.
Fifth, we reaffirm our policy to oppose offensive military intervention that is not sanctioned by the United Nations. We call for an immediate end to the U.S. led military action in Afghanistan and an end to Canadian participation in this action.
I do not have time to read the full contents of that motion but it is available and we will be speaking to it again.
In conclusion, there has never been a bigger challenge to those of us who aim to serve our nation and to make this a more secure and peaceful world. I hope it is recognized that there are many people who do not support a militaristic response to the challenge we face. We are proud to stand in the House and represent the voices, views and values of those many people across the country who stand with us in that position.