Madam Speaker, today's debate revolves around three points: first, the recognition of a fetus or embryo as a human being; second, the fact that it can be conceived naturally or otherwise, in the womb of the mother or not; and third, if the motion is agreed to, the resulting legislation ought to provide that “any and all consequential amendments required” shall be made. This would involve discussions on abortion and the regulation of embryo or fetal tissue use for research purposes.
Despite all the respect I have for my colleague from Yorkton—Melville, it must be acknowledged that this bill is treacherous, deceitful and misleading.
First, it refers to new reproductive technologies on which this House has not yet been informed.
This bill has links to previous discussions held in past parliaments on which we have already reached conclusions. The subject matters are admittedly closely linked. A person is either for or against abortion, for or against recognition of the fetus as a human being.
Given the situation, I venture to believe that colleagues here will agree that such a bill would be unacceptable and will act accordingly. As Bloc Quebecois critic for the status of women, however, I must present the position of a heavy majority of Canadian and Quebec women on the two components of this issue.
There are two radically different and opposed concepts involved in this debate. While some defend the right of everyone to choose life, their opponents see but one thing: life at all cost.
The argument for the embryo being considered a person from the moment of conception is that when the nuclei are fused the entire program for the development of that being until death has been set. Yet the celebrated physician and theologian Alberto Bondolfi, after thorough examination of the question, stated that while a fetus is neither a thing nor a tissue, it cannot however be treated as a human person from the time of birth.
Nor must we deliberately ignore the definitive caesura of birth, what Hans Saner called the fundamental shift in worlds.
We must recall that up until birth the embryo is not an independent being. Most philosophers, ethicists, theologians, men and women, Catholics and non-Catholics make a fundamental distinction between prenatal life and the being after birth.
Furthermore, neither the Canadian constitution nor international conventions confer on an embryo the right to life. Here in Canada there is even a fairly major controversy over the extent of the federal government's jurisdiction in this regard.
During the 33rd Parliament, the government introduced a motion for debate and a vote in order to obtain the advice of parliament on the wording of new legislation concerning the recognition of the fetus as a human being and the criminalization of abortion. This motion was not passed and, of note, no female MPs voted in favour of the motion.
In 1988, Canada gave the woman in question the fundamental right protected by the constitution to make a free and independent decision. Various private member's bills to restrict access to abortion were introduced during the 34th and 35th parliaments, but none made it past second reading.
One could also talk about the policy stands taken by governments of other countries in favour of freedom of choice. Even the European Commission of Human Rights pointed out that the expression “any person” in its second article, which guarantees the right to life, does not apply to an unborn child.
Abortion and birth control practices date back to the earliest civilizations. Even today a number of traditional societies use plants that cause sterility or abortions for birth control.
But it was in the middle ages that abortion was considered criminal. Assemblies of bishops—men—condemned it in a number of decrees. I would point out to members that today's proposal is being advanced by men. History makes abundant mention of the fact that attitudes toward abortion were influenced by religious beliefs, customs and attitudes toward women and the family.
Despite religious bans, women continued to use plants that cause sterility, turning to charlatans of the day or to witchcraft in order to have an abortion at the risk of their life.
Today, in these so-called modern times, religious considerations continue to surround the debate on abortion. However, in the Bible the Christian message does not mention it. What may be understood from the Bible is that each woman is free to choose independently and according to her own conscience.
In the New Testament, Luke reports the sentence Jesus said “Woe unto you also, ye lawyers. For ye lade men with burdens grievous to be borne, and ye yourselves touch not the burdens with one of your fingers”.
This brings me to a discussion of the fundamental rights of women. The decision to have a child or not is no light matter. It is one of the weightiest decisions to be made in the life of a woman. It is for her and her alone to choose in full knowledge of the facts to end a pregnancy.
Who are we to intervene in such a personal decision? To prevent a woman from ending a pregnancy obliges her to bear a child and this obligation is contrary to the fundamental rights of women. Is it up to us to rule behaviour and conscience by imposing our concept of life?
A woman has a right to life, health, physical integrity, freedom of conscience, moral independence, the right to make her own decisions and to choose motherhood freely, a right recognized fundamentally the world over.
To decide against having a child is also to decide for something: one's own life and the life of one's family, to procreate later, when the woman is able in more favourable conditions. It is a responsible decision that considers the impact of one's own choices. And it is not wrong to do that.
To truly protect life is first and foremost to protect the life aspirations and perspectives of women. It is to prevent undesired pregnancies and to ensure that every child is wanted. It is to create conditions through appropriate social policy so that motherhood may be lived in full awareness and in joy.
Is the hon. member aware only of the responsibilities a woman faces when she is pregnant and when she has a child to raise?
Pregnancy is not just about reproduction; it is about the ability to have access to appropriate clinical services; it is about access to information and assistance; it is about parenting skills; it is about being able to raise a child without living in abject poverty; it is about the availability of services that will ensure both mother and child quality life.
Why is the hon. member not calling for free and universally accessible health and social services? Why is he not calling for measures against poverty as it involves women? Why is he not calling for social housing? Why is he not calling for legislation that would force men to pay child support and shoulder their responsibilities? With the one and a half million children living in poverty, without three meals a day, why is he not calling for the House to legislate on that? And I could go on and on in this vein.
We in the Bloc Quebecois are of the opinion that defining a human being as a fetus and making consequential amendments will initiate a debate that will take us back to the middle ages.
Fortunately, public opinion has changed a good deal over the past 30 years on this issue. I can only hope that my parliamentary colleagues will become aware of this reality and act accordingly.