Mr. Speaker, as regards tax points, considering the current approach of the federal government, it is obvious that a federalist may think this is the proper way to do things.
However, let us not forget that tax points are neither a form of federal assistance to the provinces, nor an expression of its spending power. Tax points are a historical fiscal rebalancing tool. The purpose of the transfers of tax points made to the provinces in the sixties was to give back to the provinces some of the taxation power they had given to the federal government in the early forties to fund the war effort.
So, it is a mistake to try to compare tax points as if they were a federal expenditure. They are not found in the Public Accounts of Canada. If they were a federal expenditure, tax points would be included in the section on the transfers to the provinces. That is not the case. This is not a comparison that should be made.
As to why we are upset by federal interference, the best example is the work done by the Clair commission and by the Romanow commission. The Clair commission examined the whole issue of health. If the federal government had understood that its responsibility is to see if it can help by making funds available and by dealing with the fiscal imbalance issue, it would have realized that this is its true role.
By creating a commission that duplicates all the work done by the provinces in this area, the federal government is doing something useless. Indeed, this is a task that could have been much better defined, with very specific objectives, instead of giving such a broad mandate, as if we lived in a unitary state. We do not live in a unitary state. We live in a country where there are provinces that have responsibilities, that have expertise, that have examined the issue and expressed their views, and that are now waiting for the federal government to act.
With respect to mobility, we have the federal government's model that is supposed to ensure mobility between provinces. We have the Council of Ministers of Education. Rules are set by the provincial ministers. This is not a matter of funding; it has to do with how the system operates. The federal government has always tied the funding of the system to standards. That is what the provinces are opposed to, because the reality varies greatly from one province to the next. They have specific needs and different ways of doing things.
Let us take an example slightly outside the area of health. Quebec has put in place a family policy, 5$ day care, so that workers can benefit from lost cost day care. Had we waited for a Canada-wide federal system, we would still be waiting, because this is the kind of need that is not felt the same way in every province. This is probably all for the better. Perhaps $5 day care would be relevant in Ontario, but less so in another province.
There is a need for appropriate solutions in each area. Never in the past did the federal government show any special skill in the area of health. We only need to look at how it operates the only hospitals under its jurisdiction. To look at the kind of health care it has provided to aboriginal people throughout Canada. To look at the cuts the veterans' hospital has been stuck with. It then becomes clear that, in spite of what was said in all the debates and because of our ongoing concern for our fellow citizens, the competence and expertise is in the provinces.
The federal government should face the fact and realize that its role is in distributing funding. It must recognize that there is currently a serious fiscal imbalance. This is especially true when the federal government rakes in $8 billion in surplus and the provinces collectively complain about its contribution being insufficient. Somehow, the federal government should realize this.