Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak to the motion, which reads as follows:
That this House take note of the on-going public discussion of the future of the Canadian health care system.
We are dealing with an unfortunate situation. After several weeks of debate following the Speech from the Throne, the federal government, lacking leadership, has proposed a debate that is meaningless, because we are beyond the stage of government action.
The mere fact that we are talking about the on-going public discussion of the health care system, claiming that there is a Canadian health care system, reflects a problem with existing jurisdictions, with provincial and federal responsibilities.
It is important that we be aware that there is an urgent need to take action in health care, a need to ensure that there will be funds available and that services will be delivered as efficiently as possible.
However, we were hoping that this government would move beyond this situation, would take into consideration the various reports that it has received and that it would take a stand. If it would prefer to wait for the Romanow report, it should do so. But imposing this type of debate, at this time, demonstrates a lack of leadership on the part of the government.
However, since we are being given this opportunity, we will indicate which are the important elements we should be considering.
Senator Kirby, the chair of a Senate committee, tabled a report. He proposed health care funding solutions, including a new tax, or an increase in the GST, to fund the health care system. We find this unacceptable.
Currently, Quebec and the other provinces agree unanimously that there is a fiscal imbalance between the provincial governments and the federal government. The solution to this fiscal imbalance is not to tax people more heavily.
The federal government must stick to its own jurisdiction and free up the available money in order to ensure adequate health care services in every province, in every region and in every municipality.
At the end of the day, whether it be where I come from in La Pocatière, or in Rivière-du-Loup, or in Abitibi, or anywhere in Quebec or Canada, this is the situation right now.
A part of the problem stems from chronic underfunding of health care, given new variables that we are experiencing, such as the aging of the population.
The federal government does not need to hold more take note debates on the matter. It needs to take action to ensure that, indeed, more funding is provided to the provinces so as to produce more positive results.
In 2000-01 for example, federal transfers accounted for only 16% of revenues in Quebec, as compared to 28% in 1983-84.
This drop in the funding provided through federal transfers forces the provinces to make choices. At present, discussions are taking place within Quebec, where the political parties will be putting forward various options. The fundamental problem is that we must make choices based on funding that is insufficient, because the federal government, as tax collector, collects more money than it really needs. It then uses the excess for other things, when this money should go to the provinces, to be put toward health for instance.
So, while health costs skyrocketed and its revenues increased, the federal government reduced transfers to the provinces, causing the fiscal imbalance we are experiencing , which affects the health care sector.This imbalance is jeopardizing social and economic programs in Quebec.
At this rate, all decisions would be made in Ottawa. Clearly, this is part of a strategy which, with the Romanow report and the Kirby report, will force us increasingly to accept federal interference. This is an increasingly common approach because of the money available. It imposes restrictions on what the provinces can do, when the expertise and know-how in heath is in the provinces. It already exists. What the provinces need more than anything else is to get the funding that would allow them to do proper work in that area.
Coming back to the report of the Kirby committee, this committee concluded that there were only two ways to ensure funding for the health care system and to make it viable. The first one is to increase the GST by 1.5%, from 7% to 8.5%, and the second, to have taxpayers pay, through the tax system, a national health care premium, the amount of which would depend on each person's taxable income.
In my opinion, both solutions need to be rejected. What is needed instead is the courage to find out how much is needed, and to accept the fact that transfer payments will be made to the provinces in greatest need of funds. Moreover, the hon. member for Joliette, who is the Bloc Quebecois finance critic, has made it clear that the Kirby report recommended an increase in federal funding for health care. This may be praiseworthy in itself, because it is in line with what Quebec and the provinces have been calling for, but the means to that end are irresponsible.
We all know that more money is needed for health, that the federal government has that money in its coffers, and that it needs to agree to give it to the provinces. The choices around this may be painful ones. It is true that the debt needs to be paid down. There needs to be a specific plan for reducing the debt. At the same time, when responsibilities within Canada are not assumed, society's needs are not being properly served, and the needs as far as health is concerned are great.
On the other hand, the Romanow commission report seems to be in favour of the imposition of uniform standards and objectives. In this regard, the Romanow commission is announcing that there will be a single Canadian vision, when the constitution says that health is a provincial responsibility. By means of this Canada-wide commission, the federal government will succeed in imposing standards for all of Canada and attempt to develop expertise in an area in which it has none at present.
One of the reasons for doing this is that, internationally, the federal government needs to answer for the health programs in place in Canada. Lacking expertise as it does, rather than allow the provinces to participate in the international fora and to accompany it when international agreements relating to health policies are being discussed, it is trying to acquire expertise and make itself the sole interlocutor on the international level. This is an approach that has no future and one that ought not to be pursued.
Again, as regards the report of the Romanow commission, we are waiting to see its vision for the future. However, it is rather clear that the report will recommend the establishment of a broad primary care system that would be available 24 hours a day, seven days a week.
This recommendation is already included in the Clair report. What is the Clair commission? As strange as it may seem, we currently have a federal commission, the Romanow commission. However, in Quebec, we had the Clair commission. That commission did somewhat similar work, dealt with all sorts of issues relating to health, and made recommendations. The Romanow commission is clear evidence of unjustified duplication, with the result that a lot of money was once again spent ineffectively.
The federal government should accept the fundamental principle of the existence of a fiscal imbalance in health. This is a historical reality. Indeed, the debate on the issue of transfer payments and the provinces' responsibility regarding health is not new, far from it.
We were told that as early as the end of World War II, the first seeds of disagreement regarding this issue were more than obvious.
In 1942, Ottawa invoked the war effort to impose tax agreements on the provinces. Since then, the federal government has never really withdrawn from these areas. We had the act that includes the five principles regarding health: universality, accessibility, comprehensiveness, portability and public administration of the system. These principles are now in jeopardy, because of the pressures on our health system. However, one of the main reasons why these five principles are in jeopardy can be summarized by the following question: Do we have the necessary money to meet these objectives? The answer is no, because of the fiscal imbalance that exists all across Canada and which really hurts the whole system.
It has also been obvious that the federal contribution is melting away, like snow on a sunny day. For some years now, since the early 1980s in fact, federal transfer payments have accounted for a smaller and smaller share of the Government of Quebec's revenues. In 2000-01, we are told that this share represented only 16% of Quebec's revenues, whereas it represented over 28% in 1983-84. This federal share of health expenditures, or rather this decrease, has as the obvious result that we are experiencing what amounts to a withdrawal. For example, the percentage of Quebec's health spending covered by federal contributions is expected to drop from 22% in 1993-94 to under 13% in 2005-06, or close to 9 percentage points in just over a decade.
The federal government needs to reverse its direction totally and make substantial investments in this sector.
The federal government will, of course, deny that it is contributing so little, by using the argument of tax points. It considers the tax room it transferred to the provinces in 1967 to be an integral part of its contribution to provincial social programs.
The tax points transferred to the provinces do not, however, constitute a form of federal assistance, nor any kind of manifestation of its spending power. They are, in actual fact, a tax rebalancing mechanism that has always been part of the federation, and have absolutely nothing to do with the Canada social transfer. The reason the federal government transferred tax points to the provinces in the 1960s was to restore to the provinces part of the tax room they had handed over to the federal level in the early 1940s to finance the war effort. This argument does not stand up to scrutiny, therefore, regardless of how it is defended by the federal government.
In the past, there was much talk along the lines of “The Government of Quebec is a government of sovereignists, and that is why it is so critical of the federal government. It is asking for far too much”.
With regard to health care, that argument falls short, because every province in Canada is upset about the federal government pulling out of health care funding. In August 2001, at a meeting in Victoria, the premiers reached a consensus and agreed that Ottawa should provide adequate funding for health care. They came to an agreement on the following measures: first, that the federal contribution to health care increase from 14% to its 1994 level of 18%; second, that the $10 billion ceiling on equalization payments be removed.
The premiers showed their good will. They met twice in 2002 to develop an action plan to improve the management of their own health care systems.The House should remember that the provinces were often criticized and told that federal funding was not the only problem and that they had to make their health care systems more effective and efficient. Efforts have been made in this regard. In fact, provinces have done and are doing their homework so that the problem can eventually be resolved.
However, federal funding is crucial if we are to get rid of the current fiscal imbalance.
One of the reasons for the current fiscal imbalance is that the provinces cannot shirk their social obligations in order to reduce their spending. Provincial jurisdictions affect quasi-daily activities, whether it be welfare, health, or transportation. Budget cuts can hardly be made in these areas, which require a lot of money.
The federal government has other kinds of responsibilities that could be reduced without necessarily affecting its effectiveness.
It is mainly its visibility that would be affected. Since the federal government has a lot of money, it often has a tendency to spend money in areas under provincial jurisdiction because it makes it more visible. That is what the federal government is looking for, but it does not necessarily have a positive impact on what the public wants.
One of the main problems is that, if people try to assess the accountability of each level of government in the area of health care, they will have a hard time figuring it all out.
This situation has to be clarified so that the responsibility of those who have the money is also the responsibility of those who provide the services. This way, the public would be able to assess whether or not their province is doing a good job.
This would also make it possible to know clearly if the money has indeed been transferred by the federal government and to ensure that there is no duplication, in the sense that the central government makes ad hoc interventions in the area of health care and then creates obligations for the provinces at the same time as it has been reducing its contribution for several years.
In fact, one might wonder how the federal government can justify such blackmail when it provides only 13% of health care funding and the equivalent of 8 p. 100 of education funding.
All of these conditions demonstrate that the situation has evolved within the Canadian federation, but the way the federal government is acting has not. It continues to collect as much money as possible through taxes and employment insurance premiums.
As we saw again this morning, the Auditor General criticized the federal government's actions when it comes to employment insurance as bordering on illegal, by misappropriating contributions from employers and workers and by creating a program that is very harsh for the unemployed.
Last year, $4 billion of the $8 billion surplus was collected through this program. If the government were being fair in terms of its fiscal activities, and if it really needed another $4 billion to pay down the debt or for other expenses, it should have had the courage to collect it through taxes, or in some other way.
But taking the money from the employment insurance fund, where people make contributions to ensure coverage in the case of job loss, using this money for any other purpose is unacceptable. This situation was condemned by the Auditor General, by the program's chief actuary and more importantly, by those who fund 100% of the program, the employers and the workers who are unemployed and who, unfortunately, find themselves in a rough spot.
This situation needs to be rectified. The Bloc Quebecois has regularly brought this up, we have led an offensive with questions on employment insurance and the fiscal imbalance. We believe that we have made a positive contribution to the current system, until Quebec becomes a sovereign country.
We are making a very constructive contribution by stating clearly how these funds collected by the federal government should be used. This money should be limited to its jurisdiction, to allow the provinces to set things right as best as they can.
So, we have a debate on health care. We have moved beyond this stage, and we would hope that the government will take real measures, as soon as possible.
In February, there is to be a federal budget as well as a meeting with the premiers. We hope that this will produce something positive and constructive to ensure that the provinces have the money they need to fund their health care services adequately, for all those who use them and who deserve a system that is relevant, adequate and effective. This is the challenge we are faced with.