Mr. Speaker, I have to mention yet again, as some of my colleagues have already mentioned, that making the gun registry retroactive was no problem at all for the government. It did not bother those members that they blew away $1 billion on it. That side of the House is quite happy to vote the gun registry even more money, and the darn thing is not even working. This has given the privacy commissioner great concern. This may be open to charter challenges.
It does not bother the Liberals when they have one of their philosophical issues to force it through. It does not matter when they have social engineering on their agenda. The government will do anything to get its social engineering through the system. I was in this place when the government pushed through its affirmative action bill. That type of legislation is being struck down in the United States now. Another case is being dealt with tomorrow, dealing with the University of Michigan. The Liberals have no problem doing all sorts of outrageous stuff like that. When it comes to common sense, they do not care.
The member said that the government could not do anything because it had a meeting with provincial and territorial governments and there was consensus that this had to be made charter proof. The word consensus implies that there was some disagreement as to whether it was necessary to make this into such a mediocre bill. We should err on the side of the kids. We should have tried harder.
The member did not say exactly which provinces or territories took what side in the debate. That would be an interesting figure to have, even if it had been just one or two of the provinces or the territories that felt some retroactivity could have been put into this. However we do not know that because we did not get enough information during the time that the question was posed. Even if the number was one, two or zero, it would have been worth trying.
I already gave an example in my speech of a way this could be done by using the notwithstanding clause with the permission of the Canadian people. I recognize that to use the notwithstanding clause is a tremendously serious issue. When using such a clause, a government has to be very careful and ensure that it is not trampling on the rights of minorities or disadvantaged groups. This has to be done with great deliberation and care. This would be an ideal situation to test a procedure using the permission of the Canadian public.
If there were even the slightest chance that we could have done something with the bill to make it more effective, then we should have tried. Any one of us who has ever dealt with lawyers knows that for every lawyer who tells us something can be done, there is another lawyer who is quite happy to go to court to argue that it cannot be done.
Let us play the game. We should have at least tried to make it happen and then waited to see if it could happen.