The Liberals are against it. All we are asking for is that labelling and advertising be consistent with the reality. People will not know that products contain GMOs until it says so on the labels.
We saw all the problems this caused with regard to Starling corn. We have concerns about this. Consumers are also concerned about it. They have the right to know what they are buying. When they select a product, they are entitled to read on the packaging what it contains. That is all we are asking.
I want to talk about trans fat now. Our NDP colleagues have done a good job here, and we support them. By 2007, all businesses will have to indicate on food labels the quantity of trans fatty acids in their products. Since trans fat is bad for us, consumers will be able to better decide what to eat and can, of course, make healthy choices. In this respect too, this debate is not a witch hunt. Just because cookies contain trans fat does not mean their sale will be banned. We can eat them. It is a question of moderation.
I started my remarks by joking about pre-dinner drinks, but when consumed in moderation, we are not hurting ourselves or anyone else. Obviously, when we eat or drink too much of anything, we have a problem. The same holds true for this kind of product. If we know that cakes or cookies contain trans fat, perhaps we should eat just one instead of two or eat them less often.
Also, if there are any companies concerned about health, they should offer similar products but without such ingredients. Then perhaps we could select them. Consumers would have a choice, but an informed choice. That is what it is important to remember here.
However, there are deficiencies in Bill S-38. We were not going to give our support without identifying some small problems. The bill before us today has good things but it could go further.
For example, with regard to the policy on labelling and respect for local products, not only must we support protection for appellations of origin and wine varieties, but we must also monitor quality standards for products. In the United States, bourbon, which is a type of whiskey, must be at least 51% corn and has to be produced in the United States. Rye whiskey, which is produced both here and in the U.S., must be at least 51% rye in the United States, while Canada has no such requirement.
According to some documents I have read here and there, Canadian whiskey has to be made in Canada. There is a list of requirements for making a good product. Far be it from me to think or say that Canadian whiskey is not good. However, here it is not required, as it is in the United States, to be 51% rye. This bill could have been used to tighten the rules on manufacturing in order to have the best possible product and for people to be better informed on what that product should be.
We could discuss this at length. However, I just want to draw a parallel between this bill and international agreements. International treaties have been ratified. In ratifying agreements with the United States and Mexico under NAFTA, the European Union under the WTO, and the Caribbean, Canada has nonetheless, yet again, been short on transparency. Let me explain.
The government asks for our approval once agreements have been ratified. This is a blatant lack of transparency toward Parliament and the people who elected us. Voters elected us to Parliament to represent them in examining, considering and passing, or not, bills of all kinds. As for international agreements, there is a democratic deficit that is far from being corrected, even though that was one of the Prime Minister's platforms during the last election campaign. It was simply an empty promise, as we so often get from the government side, since the democratic deficit still exists.
Since we have been asking for this for such a long time, the democratic deficit could have been reduced by allowing democratically elected parliamentarians a voice during negotiations with other countries and the signing of agreements in principle. There are initial steps in international agreements. There are agreements in principle before the parliaments of the countries concerned officially confirm the accord.
In other words, we are asking to participate from the very beginning of the process since, ultimately, it is still Parliament that will accept or reject a bill on an international treaty. The example that comes to mind is a recent one. Previously, I was the assistant to the member for Joliette, who was and still is our critic on international trade. Of course, there were a number of issues relating to international agreements, including one in particular on which we worked very hard, along with the hon. member for Hochelaga, since he had sugar refineries in his riding. Let me explain why I am talking about this.
Shortly before the last election, the Liberal government signed a free trade agreement with Costa Rica almost in secret, since we were not even aware of this initiative. We did not know that a free trade agreement with Costa Rica was being negotiated. That agreement sought, among other things, to remove tariff barriers on sugar. The Bloc Québécois and sugar companies in Quebec fought against that part of the agreement. We were experiencing some problems because the world market for sugar was heavily subsidized. Moreover, we did not have access to the U.S. market, because the Americans were very protectionist regarding this product.
Earlier, I was pleased when the NDP member raised the softwood lumber issue. When the Americans decide that they want to protect one of their markets, they do not beat around the bush. They are even prepared to kill or jeopardize a particular industry in other countries, including Canada, its main economic partner, to achieve their goal. So, the Americans did the same thing with sugar. It is out of the question for Canadian sugar to transit through the United States.
It was obviously a major concern for the Quebec sugar industry. Costa Rica is not currently a threat to our sugar industry, but it could be one day. In fact, it has the capacity to produce more and more sugar. But that is not necessarily the problem.
In reality, the federal government is currently negotiating—always in secret, but we are increasingly aware of this because we are on the lookout—with four other Central American countries that are major sugar producers: Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador. Here is an example where Parliament will be presented with a done deal once an agreement is reached. This agreement will threaten an industry, whereas if we are consulted right from the start, perhaps this agreement will not take the same shape.
This could and should have been done with Bill S-38. As democratically elected parliamentarians, we should have been involved in the negotiations right from the start.
In closing, I want to say that we support market liberalization. However, with specific regard here to foreign subsidies, American protectionism is creating an imbalance that should have been resolved before the agreement was signed.
In the case of Bill S-38, the agreements signed under NAFTA and the WTO will promote the exchange of spirits and wines between the signatories, while protecting the local products of each. That is why, despite its deficiencies, we support the principle of the bill, as I stated earlier.