It is stolen right out from under their feet.
We will allow foreign corporations to come in and drill for that oil. We give them billions of dollars per year of exploration grants to extract that oil, pay the government a royalty, loot the profits and take them offshore, whether it is Exxon or whatever. However, the very people who for thousands of years have lived on top of that oil are allowed a lifetime lump sum payment of $15,000 per person. It does not even buy a pickup truck, never mind provide for that family. That is the status quo we are dealing with here. That is the Canadian legacy of first nations oil and gas management up to this date. It has been a legacy of theft and exploitation.
Sharing in the land and resources was exactly what the signators to the treaties thought they were doing. They view reserves a little differently than we do. We view an Indian reserve as where we cluster all the first nations people together and make them live there. When we read the treaties literally, they view what they signed to mean that they are willing to share all their traditional territories, all of Canada, except for the reserve which they have the exclusive control over. They are perfectly willing to share the land, the wealth and the resources of the rest of Canada.
We did not see it that way. We view the treaties like this. We will take most of the reserve and give them the bit that is left. They live on top of that and anything that is found underneath it, whether it is lead, zinc, silver, molybdenum, gold, is ours. They have no right to benefit from that except as specifically outlined by the minister in his paternalistic benevolence.
Incrementally, as aboriginal leaders have learned the rules of the game, and just when they learn them the rules seemed to change on them, leaders like Strater Crowfoot and the other representatives of these three first nations have seen what is necessary to finally negotiate a way to at least have some control over their own what they call Indian moneys.
I will point out what the bill do. The status quo is that Indian moneys were held in trust for first nations and may be used only for the first nations, but at the direction and control of the minister. In other words, Indians could do nothing with their own money without the minister's rubber stamp and to make application. In this sense, the Indian moneys regime is interfered with. Sections 61 to 69 of the Indian act govern the management of Indian moneys. Indian moneys are either capital moneys which are derived from the sale of a first nation's surrendered lands, or capital assets, or revenue moneys which include all moneys other than capital.
In 1912 the Blackfoot were duped in an effort to try and elevate the standards of living conditions of their people. The Siksika, the Blackfoot, sold about half of its reserve for $1.2 million. Now in 1912 it made it the richest tribe in western Canada. It bought new houses, with regular interest payments and other services. By the end of World War II that money was gone and it had little to show for their wealth except for a smaller reserve. The population had doubled. This is the type of exercise that we saw which was simply detrimental to the well-being of aboriginal people. However, we can see where the leadership would be tempted to try to do something to cope with the social conditions of their community.
With regard to Indian moneys, they are held by the crown and “expended only for the benefit of the Indians or the bands for whose use the moneys are being held”. It is within the governor in council's choice to determine whether any purpose where the moneys used are for the benefit of the band. The minister has the absolute power in relation to the management of band moneys.
What we propose in Bill C-54 will hopefully allow three phases in this idea. The pilot project that took place to establish this first nations oil and gas management initiative dealt with co-management, enhanced co-management and management and control of the money.
During the first phase, duties and decision making about the administration of the money was shared with the first nation. During the second phase, first nations were given training to develop their administrative capacity in dealing with the application of this money.
The pilot project is currently in its final phase, which requires the passing of the legislation which will allow the transfer of authority to first nations provided they meet the limitations and the requirements of this legislation.
We will support the bill because we support a fairer distribution of the wealth of the land and resources occupied in the traditional territory of first nations as the only hope for a meaningful progress in terms of economic development and elevating the standards of living and social conditions for first nations people.